How the Internet has snowballed in the Arab world

“The internet in the Arab world has a snowball effect; now that the snowball is rolling, it can no longer be stopped. Getting bigger and stronger, it is bound to crush down all obstacles.
In addition, to the stress caused by the Arab bloggers, a new forum was opened for Aran activists; Facebook. Arab activists have been using Facebook in the utmost creative way to support the democracy movement in the region, a region that has one of the highest rates of repression in the world. Unlike other regions where oppressive countries (like China, Iran and Burma) represent the exception, oppression can be found everywhere in the Arab world.
The number of Arab internet users interested in political affairs does not exceed a few thousands, mainly represented by internet activists and bloggers, out of 58 million internet users in the Arab world. As few as they are, they have succeeded in shedding some light on the corruption and repression of the Arab governments and dictatorships.”

This is from the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information – released today. Read the whole report here: (Arabic and English)

http://www.openarab.net/en/node/1612

A guide to terms for Arab reporters covering the Global economic crisis

Understanding the vocabulary of the global economic crisis

Here are some of the important words and concepts

Bank panic – When investors fear that their bank does not have enough money to pay them, they go to the bank and take their money out. When a large number of investors try to withdraw their money, this may cause the bank to collapse or to close permanently. In the current crisis there have been several times when worried investors rushed to their banks, and a number of banks have gone out business across the world.

In Iceland the collapse of the banking system led to loans by the International Monetary Fund, Denmark, Finland and Norway. The collapse of the banking system in the small country was a surprise for many.

But there were several factors in the collapse.

Credit was easily available. The economy had taken off and construction had helped the economy prosper. But most importantly, changes in regulations had allowed the banks to expand, to operate under new systems and to do business beyond Iceland.  As a result of the deregulation, the banks expanded to the U.K., the United States, Europe and elsewhere.

One lesson from the collapse in Iceland was that countries need to be able to supervise foreign firms that do business in their country.

Bear market – This is when stock markets are in trouble. The markets are declining and investors are worried about the future. Pessimism is common. A bear is an investor who sells stocks with the hope that they can be bought back at a less expensive price.

Bull market – The opposite. Here, the market is growing and investors are earning money. Confidence encourages investors and the stock market is flourishing. A bull takes advantage of the market’s boom and buys stocks, hoping that their value will go up.

Bonds – Large companies issue bonds. So do governments and institutions. The bonds pay interest. To measure the safety of investing in the bonds, they are rated by companies. But this crisis showed a problem with the system.

Companies that had high bond ratings had serious financial problems that were either not detected by the auditors or rating companies, or the companies ignored the dangers.

Credit crunch – In order for an economy to thrive, it needs credit. With credit, businesses are able to borrow money which allows them to get their operations underway. But when there is no credit, businesses cannot begin new projects. They do not have the money that they need to finance them while they are in the midst of their operations. When there is less credit, it is more difficult and expensive to borrow money for businesses. Also it is difficult to find a low interest rate on a mortgage.

Suggestion – What has been the impact on credit in your country? How have interest rates changed? Are banks making fewer loans? What percent of major banks’ loans are in trouble or are in default? What do commercial business groups say about the availability of credit? What has been the impact on investments?

Credit default swaps (CDS)_ – This resembles the insurance someone might buy to protect their property. The buyers of credit default insurance pays premiums to protect them in case their investments default. The insurance is used for municipal bonds, corporate debt and mortgage securities.

Here is where it becomes complex and risky.

These contracts are traded or swapped from one buyer to another. When the system began a number of years ago, it seemed quite safe. The contracts were based. The chance of failure was little.

As banks, government and investors eventually learned, there are several problems with credit default swaps.

The problems:

They are largely unregulated. There is no certainty about how much money is involved with credit default swaps, and they have led to a false sense of security for banks and investors as the financial system began to collapse. CDS were sold to people who had no interest in the original loan and were able to buy the credit default swaps. For them it was an investment only.

It become a form of gambling that the investment would not go bad, and that the money to pay off the loss would be available.

Credit default swaps grew because of the expansion of Collateralized Debt Obligations (CDOs). Again, the idea seemed simple and safe. Banks bought debt – home loans, credit card loans and other forms of credit. They combined the debt into one package and sold it. But to make sure they didn’t lose money, they took out insurance. Here is where they relied on credit default swaps.

In the U.S. CDOs became popular because they offered higher yields than other investments. Because CDOs can be sold several times, it is often quite difficult for owners of the CDOs to know exactly what they own. And this, according to the Congressional Research Service, a U.S. government research arm, is one of the problems that help the financial crisis expand in the U.S. The level of debt and the amount of risk was not clear to investors and regulators.

AIG and the impact of risky credit deals

The collapse of American International Group also known as AIG is an example of the destructive power of credit default swaps.  It is also an example of the international nature of this kind of dealing in risk and risk protections.

AIG is a company that provides insurance to businesses.  It once was the world’s largest insurer. It also is involved in other businesses in the U.S. and world-wide.

But as news reports have explained, the company dealt heavily in credit default swaps as the global market for these risky dealings grew. And when the investments collapsed and it came time to pay for them, AIG was crippled.

The U.S. government quickly began putting money into the company.

Why?

Because AIG provided insurance for thousands of companies in the U.S. and around the world. The Americans continued to put money into the company as the depths of its losses – largely from credit default swaps – continued to climb.

In March 2009, the U.S. government  increased its support to the company after it said that it had suffered a loss of more than $60 billion in the last quarter of 2008. The loss was the largest recorded by a corporation in U.S. history.

An article from Time magazine explains the reason for the support:

“The best case for the bailout seems to be that nobody has the faintest idea what the consequences of AIG’s failure for financial markets would be, but the fear was that it could lead to total chaos. The biggest fears had to do with the credit-default swaps, which AIG appears to have sold in large quantities to practically every financial institution of significance on the planet. RBC Capital Markets analyst Hank Calenti estimated Tuesday that AIG’s failure would cost its swap counterparties $180 billion.”

http://www.time.com/time/business/article/0,8599,1841699,00.html

September 18, 2008, Time magazine

See other news sources listed

Deflation – When the price of goods and service drop markedly, then the economy is undergoing deflation.  The major cause of deflation is a lack of demand. People are not buying. In the global depression in the 1930s, deflation was a major problem.

Deflation has its friends and enemies. It hurts those who borrow money at high costs and interest rates and then have to pay back the money when its value is deflated. As an economy spirals downward, deflation usually is part of the downward cycle. It takes place in economic recessions and depressions. As prices drop, jobs are lost and investments shrink – these are all measures of an economy in decline.

Default – When you cannot make payment on a credit agreement, you are in default.

Derivative – This is a contract where the investor agrees to buy or sell a commodity at a certain price. In the current global economic crisis, and previous crises around the world, derivatives have played a key role. They have been praised for raising higher levels of earnings or profits  and at the same time for bringing uncertainty and upheaval to financial markets.

How?

The concept goes back to ancient times. For years farmers have used derivatives as way to protect themselves against a drop in the price of their product.

But there is a history of economic problems that were linked to the use of derivatives.

The financial crisis in Mexico in 1994 and the crisis in East Asia in 1997 were partially the result of derivative trading. Again, the problem was that amount of money involved in the derivatives was not clear to regulators. That is, because the money was not kept on the banks’ accounting books, it was not clear how much risk they faced. In other cases, derivatives have been used to hide debt that should be reported in the company’s financial records.

A derivative is guess on what something will be worth in the future. But the guess became more impressive in recent years as investment firms used mathematical models to predict the ways the derivative would make money for investors.

There were two problems here. The market was not the same as before. History could not be applied. Investors were bundling together debts and creating investments – risky investments. The mortgage markets in the U.S. were full of mortgages that had little security.  The calculations that drove investment companies, banks and others to rely much more on derivatives were based on formulas that were not linked to the new realities of the U.S. economy.

Richard Katz, writing in Foreign Affairs magazine, in March 2009, offered this explanation of the role of derivatives on the crisis.

“Today’s financial derivatives often turn the insurance principle on its head, causing shocks to be amplified and transforming derivatives into what the investor Warren Buffett has called “financial weapons of mass destruction.””

Hedgers and hedge funds – The growth of hedge funds has added to the problems of the global economy. This is because they are largely unregulated, and there is no way to following their transactions easily or clearly. Hedge fund companies use large amount of money to invest and to buy companies. Typically their goal is to find their profits early and then move on. Critics say hedge funds leave a vacuum behind them as they try to reap profit only, but do not invest in building companies. Supporters say hedge funds make companies more competitive and provide more earnings for investors.

To avoid loses, some investors hedge their investments. They sell a futures contract that locks them into selling their stock on a specific day and at a certain price.

This news article about hedge funds from Bloomberg news shows the impact of the crisis on hedge funds.

“Hedge fund managers on average lost 18 percent of their clients’ money in 2008, for the worst performance since at least 1990, according to Hedge Fund Research Inc. Combine the losses with investor redemptions, and total hedge fund assets have been cut almost in half. TrimTabs Investment Research estimated hedge funds held $998 billion at the end of the year, down from $1.9 trillion a year earlier.”

As the economic crisis expanded in the U.S., hedge funds were greatly at risk because they had invested so heavily in the new kinds of investments such CDOS and SIVs. (see other references)

Leverage – When you borrow money in order to make an investment you are leveraging. If you buy a house and put down 10 percent as a deposit,  then you are are using leverage. The expectation is that you will gain more by taking the risk. The opposite is deleveraging. This when you try to have your loans returned. It is when the bank tries to reduce its banks to lower its liabilities.

Liquidity – This is a measure of how easily you are able to convert what you assets into cash. Some banks and investments have faced a liquidity crisis during the current economic decline. They have not been able to provide cash to cover their debts and other obligations.

Nationalization – There are several ways that this process can take place. One way is when the government says that it must control an industry, such as oil, and seizes the government in order to put it under state control. Socialist-led governments have often taken control of private companies and put them under the state’s leadership in order to change the economic system.

But in the current economic crisis, some governments have stepped forward and sought control of banks in order to prevent them from collapsing and harming others. The amount of control varies as governments have used different strategies to bring stability to the banks. The U.K. nationalized Northern Rock bank in February 2008.

Per Capita Income – This is the average of how much persons earn in a country. It is the total income divided by the population.  But this number can be deceptive.  It does not tell us what are the extremes or how the income is spread across the population. That is, it does not show the distribution of income. Median income is a better measure because it provides a look at how the income is spread across the population. Real income is also a good measure because it adjusts income for inflation.  And so, wages may be up 20 percent this year. But when adjusted for inflation, and compared to wages last year or five years ago, the figure may be very different.  In times of economic change, median income is helpful to understand new patterns of income and income gaps between individuals.

Suggestion – Make sure you are using different measures. That way you will have information and data that you can use to compare and contrast.

Protectionism – This is a very old method for countries to protect or to shield themselves against foreign competition, foreign products or the impact of foreign market. In today’s world, protectionism takes place when countries put high tariffs or taxes on products that come from outside their economy.

They may also put in place quotas on goods coming from outside their country. Or they may keep out companies that provide services such as banks or insurance companies. In the current global current there has been talk of growing protectionism. That is, political leaders have talked of protecting their economies by controlling imports or exports or by imposing controls over foreign banks and investors.

Suggestion- How open is your country’s economy to imports? What is your economy’s exposure to foreign investment and ownership? Do these situations have any impact today on how your economy is surviving the current global economic crisis?

Recessions and Depressions – A nation’s economy is in recession when the gross domestic product falls for two successive quarters. The gross domestic product is the total of goods and services produced by a country.

The last time the world faced a depression was in the 1930s’. The crash that struck Wall Street  (the name for the major stock exchange in the U.S) in the U.S. in October 1929 swept around the globe. Shares on the U.S. stock market fell 89 percent from their highest point in no time. The U.S. economy continued to slide downward for the next three years.

Japan suffered a banking crisis in the early 1990s and several Asian countries faced similar economic difficulties in the late 1990s. In 1987, the U.S. stock market underwent a major decline.

But none of these more recent crises match the problems created by current crisis.

After the global depression of the 1930s’ governments created protections to avoid the kind of problems that took place. That is, they enacted regulations over banks and stock markets to avoid sudden crises and to allow officials to monitor how businesses and banks operated.

But those protections were not able to stop the current crisis because some of the changes in the ways of doing business. These changes include: the growth of hedge funds, of credit default swaps and collateralized debt obligations,  of the failure to regulate these innovations, and of the inability to track money kept in offshore banks. As a result, there was an almost invisible system for regulators and businesses.

Short Selling

This is a centuries old practice that has raised controversies over the years, and did the same during critical moment in the global economic crisis. Supporters say it is merely a way of measuring the worth of a stock. Critics say it can lead to the collapse of the stock market, and cause havoc.

Britain briefly banned short selling when stocks dropped dramatically in 2008. The U.S. did the same and Australia took more dramatic steps to control short selling.

Short selling or “shorting” is when someone sells an asset that the seller does not own at the time of the sale. Short selling is done with the intent of later purchasing the item at a lower price. Short-sellers hope to profit from decline in the price of what they bought.

The short-seller will “borrow” or “rent” the securities to be sold, and later buy the same  securities for return to the lender. If the security’s value falls, the short-seller benefits   from having sold the borrowed securities for more than he later pays for them. But if the security price rises, the short seller loses by having sold them for less than the price at which he later has to buy them. The practice is risky because prices may rise without bound, even beyond the net worth of the short seller. Hedge funds and large scale investors have used short-selling to reap major profits.

A structured investment vehicle (SIV) is another tool that was created in the late 1980s. It relies on some of the same strategy involved in shorting. It is based on a complex mathematical model meant to guarantee the safety of the investment. But the models failed as the economic realities grew more serious in the U.S. in the last few years. Banks that were heavily involved with SIVs suffered significant financial loses.

Sub-prime mortgages.

This is considered one of the major reasons for the financial collapse of the U.S. and other major economies. A sub-prime mortgage is one where the person making the loan does not have the same amount of income or assets to receive a regular mortgage. As a result, they have a higher interest rate.

The term also applies to credit card and other loans to persons who normally would not qualify for a regular loan. They borrow from a sub-prime lender. The collapse of the global economy has severely hurt lenders of these loans to more risky borrowers.

In the last decade, there was a marked increase in sub-prime mortgage in the U.S. One reason is that mortgage companies expanded the rules that allowed home owners to qualify for mortgages. But another reason is that some mortgage companies took advantage of persons with low incomes or credit problems to sell them mortgages that they could not realistically afford. There has been much talk about mortgage owners who should not have taken out mortgages. But the explosion in sub-prime mortgages was also due to companies that took advantage of homeowners with agreements that they could not afford.

These mortgages were then sold in bundles to banks which often sold them again to other banks. The result was that interest was passed from one to another. But the system collapsed when the homeowners could not pay for their mortgages. This led to the collapse of banks and investment companies that bought these sub-prime loans. And the collapse was felt far beyond the U.S. because the mortgages had been turned into securities that were traded widely.

Suggestion: Were banks and investment companies in your country involved in buying mortgage-backed securities? What percent of their foreign investments were in mortgage-back securities? Why did they invest in these securities? What are the rules in your country for creating investments that group together loans?

Nakhana – an Iranian blog ناخــــــانا

When everyone and everything else is shut down from talking, when there is no way to tell others what’s happening, the Internet is a difficult door to close. Here, from the blog Nahkana, is a testament to the ability of bloggers to do the work of reporters.

http://nakhana.wordpress.com/2009/12/27/

And here is a youtube video, one of many:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wsZQaU90J-0&feature=featured&skipcontrinter=1

Islamic Financing – some suggestions for reporters

Islamic Financing and the global economic crisis

Islamic financing is a unique development not only for Muslims but for global economics. It is a way of finance that marries Islamic faith with economics. The idea of linking finance to a moral, ethical or religious belief is not new. This is true for Islamic financing.

But the growth of Islamic financing as a part of global finance is a recent development. The first major Islamic financial organizations did not begin until the1960s’ and 1970s’.

And as they have developed, Islamic financial organizations have created new ways to adopt Islamic beliefs to modern day economic dealings.

The guiding rules for Islamic financing come from the core principles in Islam.

The role of Shariah in Islamic financing

Shariah or Islamic law prohibits interest. It bans uncertainty in contracts unless everyone involved in the business dealing clearly understand the conditions. It does not allow involvement in businesses that are prohibited by the religion. These would include businesses that deal in alcohol, pornography, gambling or pork-related products.

A mortgage or real estate dealing offers a good example of how Islamic financing differs. In most real estate agreements, the lender pays interest to the seller or the bank. But in Islamic financing, the banks own the property and the buyer pays rents until the cost of the property is covered.

Recent expansion

In the last few decades Islamic financing has grown markedly. It is estimated that this form of financing has increased by an average of 10 to 15 percent annually from the end of the 1990s’.

How large is Islamic financing?

Most estimates say that it represents between $700 and $800 billion in assets across the globe.

There are an estimated 300 Shariah-compliant organizations in 75 nations. A Shariah-compliant organization is one that uses the laws of Islams as its guiding principles.

The largest Islamic banks are located in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Dubai, Qatar, and Bahrain. The major organizations that issue Islamic bonds are located in the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait.

But experts point out that the spread of Islamic financing is still quite limited. It is estimated that Islamic financing accounts for only 1 percent of the world’s financial assets.

Islamic financing exists mostly in the Gulf, Iran, and Southeast Asia.  Islamic financing has especially grown in Malaysia where, according to new reports, it accounts for 12 percent of the banking assets in the country.

There are also organizations based on Islamic financing in Europe, and United States.

Most of the money involved in Islamic financing is tied up in banking. A smaller share is committed to Islamic bonds, equity funds, and mutual funds.

How have Islamic financial organizations survived in the economic crisis?

To supporters of Islamic financing, the global economy crisis is proof that these organizations are an alternative to conventional financing. Why?

This is because they are barred from dealing in the kind of debt contracts that have led to the collapse of the world economy. It is also said that Islamic financial organizations are a safe haven for those frightened by the uncertainty of the conventional financial system.

But Islamic organizations are not immune from the collapse that began in depth in 2008. A study by Gulf One Investment Bank in 2008 said that Islamic financing has largely outperformed the traditional financial system in the last few years.

But it suffered a greater decline at the end of 2008 than conventional markets, the report said.

One of the problems of Islamic financing is that it heavily invests in real estate. This is a problem because it overly exposes the system and organizations to the weaknesses of the real estate market. Another concern is that the system is also heavily reliant on loans to consumers.

As a result of its reliance on real estate investments, Islamic financial organizations suffered marked loses as the economies of the Middle East began to weaken in 2008 and real estate values as well as construction suffered declines, according to news reports

Problems and Questions

Here are some of the criticisms and challenges facing Islamic financing:

Some of the newly created financial devices are too similar to those provided by conventional financing. This raises the question whether they are truly Islamic in nature.

Religious scholars have challenged some of the new financial instruments, forcing them to delay their work or to close down. Aand that has caused uncertainty for businesses and governments dependent on dealing with Islamic financial organizations.

There is a lack of Islamic scholars and experts versed in Islamic finance who can oversee a system that is growing very rapidly. This puts a strain on businesses trying to expand within the framework of Islamic financing.

Governments in some Muslim countries have not provided enough legal and financial support to make the system available to their citizens.

Scholars fear that Islamic financing can lose the it’s religious spirit and meaning by following the path of conventional financing.

Suggestions for reporters;

Can you identify the major Islamic financial organizations in your country?

What has been the impact of Islamic financing on your nation’s economy and ways of doing business? What have been the benefits? What have been the problems? How are these organizations regulated? Do they have the small level of openness of transparency to investors and regulators as in traditional financing?

Who are the major investors in Islamic financing and was the major borrowers?

What percent of all banking and loan applications in your country are controlled by Islamic financial groups?

Have Islamic financial organizations adopted new financial tools like Hedge funds in your country? Such tools would also involve stock derivatives, insurance and mutual funds.

Who are the leaders of these organizations, and who are their Islamic advisors? How do they guide their organizations differently from traditional ones?

Can you take examples of lenders or groups that rely on Islamic financing and show it has impacted their lives? Are loans easier to acquire? Is there a social benefit from the loans given out by the organization?

How much access do low-income borrowers and business and persons in rural areas have to Islamic financing?

Sovereign wealth funds صندوق ثروة سيادي

With the all of the problems suffered lately by sovereign wealth fund, here is a backgrounder written before the crisis in Dubai:

Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWF)

There is nothing new about a sovereign wealth funds. The first major fund was created in Kuwait in 1953. The goal was to invest for the country’s future, and to stabilize the economy as the price of oil changed dramatically.

But the shift in the world’s economic reality made these kinds of operations suddenly more powerful, more important and, in some countries, more feared.

What gave them such importance?

As a result of great growth in their economies, sovereign wealth funds in Russia, Asia and the Middle East grew and gained notice. They largely used their funds to invest in the U.S. and the West. They relied on hedge funds and investors to also use the largest forms of investment to reap higher profits.

Their arrival was unique for two reasons.

One: It marked the shift of wealth from the traditional global powers that had built their wealth on manufacturing and dominance of global trade to some newcomers. And the newcomers benefitted from either the growth in markets for oil or gas or because their sales of products and services to the Western and other countries had seen a dramatic expansion. China is one country that benefitted as it sold more of its products, and built great wealth.

Two: these funds represented economic concentrated in the hands of governments, not private companies or individuals. The fact that decision-making now rests with governments raised the fear that the funds would use their new powers for political and not economic reasons.

The lack of openness about the funds and their investment goals also raised concerns in the West. Though their investment decisions lack transparency, the fact that many funds have relied upon riskier investments raised concerns. The fear was that they would add to the forces that have created greater instability in the financial markets in the West.

“The majority of state-owned funds are highly secretive about their portfolio allocations and investment strategies, even as they control increasing amounts of the world’s largest traded assets.”

http://www.reuters.com/article/bondsNews/idUSL1253625620071012

Sovereign wealth funds, according to one estimate in early 2009, managed as much as $2.9 trillion. The United Arab Emirates reportedly had the largest fund in 2009 with as much as $900 billion, the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority and Corp. There are over 30 sovereign wealth funds.

The other countries with large sovereign wealth funds, according to experts and news reports, are:

Norway, Singapore, Kuwait, Russia, China, Qatar, Australia, Algeria, United State, Brunei, Korea, Kazakhstan, Malayasia, Venezeula, Canada, Chile, New Zealand, Iran.

http://www.iie.com/publications/papers/truman0908tables.pdf

But the funds reportedly lost large amounts with the sudden collapse of stock markets across the globe. The funds that have relied upon gas and oil resources for their wealth have reportedly also avoided invested in these areas to protect themselves against the kind that began taking place in 2008.

How can they influence world markets?

If the sovereign wealth funds shift their investments from a market or a country’s investments that can led to a rapid decline in its stability because of their powerful presence.

For example, sovereign wealth funds from the Middle East are ranked among the top six buyers of the U.S. government bonds. These bonds are the how the U.S.  government pays for its debt. With the declining economy in the U.S., there were fears that the Middle Eastern sovereign funds would transfer their investments to other economies.

How has the crisis affected the major Arab funds

It was estimated that the major Sovereign Wealth Funds in the Gulf lost 27 percent of their assets in 2008. In most cases, the funds have reportedly used their finances to help their local stock markets. Some have also sought out less risky investments.

http://www.cfr.org/content/publications/attachments/CGS_Working%20Paper_5.pdf

What is the future for Sovereign Wealth Funds?

Here is a suggestion from Rami Khouri, a commentator based in Beirut:

“This would seem to be the moment for Arab SWF managers and their political leaders to take advantage of the probably momentary leverage they enjoy globally and regionally, to help rewrite the prevailing rules of international financial investment flows. Three areas seem ripe for serious reappraisal.

First, the ultimate owners of these funds – the citizens of the energy-producing states – should be provided with more information on how the funds are accumulated and invested, rather than leaving this task to small groups of specialists. Second, inter-Arab investments in truly strategic industries like food production, water technologies, and solar energy should be considered much more seriously, now that basic infrastructure is in place in most Arab countries (which was not the case when the first oil boom hit in the early 1970s). Third, Arab investors should use this unique moment to negotiate better, more equitable, terms of global financial flows with the leading Western powers. This is a moment when some Arabs should be thinking more in terms of enhancing the wealth of their sovereignty, rather than bemoaning the erratic performance of their sovereign wealth.”

On a train headed for Cairo على متن قطار يسافر الى القاهرة

CROSSING EGYPT BY TRAIN—On a rack above me in a crowded train hurtling through the night, someone has stuffed luggage – a box of carefully tied twigs holding belongings.

This is poverty, I tell myself.

Because of this poverty, there are families in Egypt who sell their young daughters to rich men.

Someone with a local community organization that knows of such things, tells me of a small village in Upper Egypt where most of the young girls have been married off to wealthy men so that their families could have money.

I hear from her, and others, about brokers who allegedly arrange these marriages, and who find ways to get around the government law that bars anyone under 18 from marrying.

These community organization workers talk also about so-called pleasure marriages arranged by brokers. It is a business deal where wealthy tourists marry village girls for the weekend or for the summer. And then the men dump the girls.

The teen brides another young woman regularly meets as part of her job a community organization in Cairo deeply upsets her.  The woman, whose name in Arabic has the same meaning as prayer, has thrown herself into the work, telling herself this is what she must do.

Young women 14- or 15-years-old are married to men 20 or 30 years older than them for money for their families, she explains with a sad shrug.

The community activist cannot think of someone being sold that way. Nor can she bear to hear another story of a young bride who went off to a world of wealth and came back months later, discarded by the husband, and dumped back into poverty.

Because of poverty there are people here who turn to selling their body parts, mostly kidneys. I can’t tell how widespread the problem is, but there is much talk of it in the newspapers and among local organizations who tell of poor people who have sold their kidneys to dealers, who scout the slums for sellers.

They say the sellers sometimes don’t even get the money they are promised and often they are left sick and damaged permanently from the surgery. They talk of gangs who operate these scams across the Middle East. There’s a story in the Cairo newspapers about arrests of one such gang that operated between Jordan and Egypt.

Because of poverty, there are street children who are victimized in countless ways. Some of them have been scooped up in the smaller towns, and shifted to the big cities where the abuse only magnifies; prostitution, drug dealing, thievery. They have to beg for themselves, for their families, or for whoever manipulates them.

Because of poverty, underage children work in factories and the fields in violation of Egyptian laws that mostly bar them from working if they are under 14 years old, journalists in the country’s smaller cities tell me.

But because the families are poor there are no complaints from them. There seem to be countless community groups struggling to deal with this problem that does not vanish.

Because of poverty, people seek out smugglers who promise to take them to jobs in Europe. But more often the voyages are fatal death trips in boats that barely get beyond the Egyptian coast.

I talk with the head of a community organization in a mid-sized Egyptian city who boils all of these problems down to poverty, and that helps me understand the child brides and the trafficking and child labor and the people who say it isn’t an issue because there is nothing to be done about it and it is a custom, not a social plight.

He doesn’t think you can do much unless you understand the root causes.

So, I understand why on the train that pulled out just before mine from a town in central Egypt there was a group of young men clinging for their lives to a door on the outside of the last car. They couldn’t afford a ticket so they were willing to risk their lives on the railroad on this dark night.

And I understand why some of people mulling around in the dirty, decades-old train have a look of unease. It is because they are headed for Cairo, looking for a job and better life. But decent-paying jobs are rare in a country where many earn no more than $2 per day and in a city where swelling crowds are doing the same as them.

And so I understood too the luggage of twigs.

At an exhibit in Chicago about the war in Iraq

What I remember first is blood.

It wasn’t everywhere and it was only one day when I went searching in Iraqi hospitals for colleagues badly hurt in a blast that is stuck in my mind’s eye. A door swung open in one hospital and there was blood everywhere.

On the floor. On the walls. On the beds. And there didn’t seem anything else but blood. Or at least I couldn’t focus otherwise.

But that’s not what I talked about when I talked about Iraq the other day at a presentation on the Iraq war at the MCA, an exhibit that is amazingly brilliant for its reliance on dozens of people to sit and tell their stories one at a time, day after day: soldiers and refugees and anti-war activists and scholars and physicians.

I talked about the Iraqi psychiatrist in Baghdad who told me how Iraqis were too numb to feel because of all they had suffered and this was in the early days after the U.S. led invasion. I talked about the fear I remember seeing on the face of young soldiers headed out on patrols and how one night at a military hospital a young soldier waiting to hear what happened to a pal said he wished he got hit too so his waiting would be over. And I talked about the smothering oppression in the Saddam years and how I met people digging up mass graves and families searching for lost friends or relatives and people who had spent years in prisons for the slightest disregard to the former regime.

There was so much to say and I seem to have said so little and I wanted to say more. In the days to come folks will sit, as I did, on a couch in the middle of the very modest exhibit, drink tea and nibble on Middle Eastern sweets and talk about what they know from their time in Iraq or from their contact with those of us touched by Iraq: a VA hospital psychologist, soldiers who have fought in Iraq, Major L. Tammy Duckworth (Nov.7) who is now an assistant secretary with the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, artists, anti-war activists, human rights experts, and Iraqis from Chicago and its long-established Iraqi community, some new arrivals and some passing through. Some of the sessions will also be Arabic. In so many ways this too is a Chicago story.

The picture up below is of the cafe in  Muntabbi street, a street of booksellers, a revered place for Iraqis who sought books banned by the old regime, and a place the exhibit commemorates with the wreckage of a car blown up in an attack there. A place where I bought a caligraphy of great art work and lovely meaning from the Koran from a well-known caligrapher who was killed in a random attack some time after. The exhibit runs until Nov.15

click here to learn about the exhibit at the MCA:

http://tinyurl.com/yfm5pwk

salaam, Stephen

this is about the exhibit too; http://conversationsaboutiraq.org/interviews.php#esam

Waiting for the wind في انتظار الريح

Cairo – Heat. Endless Heat. It hangs in the trees. It hangs on the shoulders of the man carrying a heavy  pack on his back. It hangs on the dogs sleeping.

Heat and dust that does not move, that seems glued in place and that is waiting for the wind to carry it away. Heat that does not go away. Heat that does not belong here and now. Heat that exhausts the exhausted.

No breeze here in Giza. No breeze here downtown. Nothing stirs in Bulak and Zamalek and on and on.

The sun sets and the Nile’s admirers gather, seeking haven.

Crunched together on the bridges, standing in the few dark places along the Corniche, stetched out on the tired grass, sprawled alone on benches, hunched over in bunches, tensely waiting on benches, couples talking, staring, wondering, waiting, hoping, thinking, sleeping, smiling, crying, they are waiting for the wind that they hope will flow through them. The wind that they think will refresh and give them a new spirit.

Heat. No relief

الكتابة عن حرية الصحافة

http://www.almasryonline.com/portal/page/portal/MasryPortal/ARTICLE_EN?itId=UG107191&pId=UG14&pType=1

My thinking on writing about freedom of the press is that it should be normal and regular and remind people that without freedom of the press there really is no news media worth the attention. It needs to be fair and complete and to tell stories that give histories – stories that put countries and eras into context. Why does it matter that some people care in the Middle East about freedom of the press? That is the journalist’s job to explain.  The reason needs to be explained and repeated and expanded every time a story is written, and every time there needs to be a sense of who is accountable.

Consider this story from al Masry al Youm

Words against Torture كلمات ضد التعذيب

Here is a column by Alaa al Aswany written for the Los Angeles Times. A reminder of the power of words.

Opinion

The justifications of the torturer

A discussion with an Egyptian State Security officer raises questions and suggests a few answers.

By Alaa Al-Aswany

May 31, 2009

Writing From Cairo —

Some years ago, I was invited to a relative’s wedding, and at the wedding, I sat next to one of the bridegroom’s relatives. He introduced himself to me by saying: “My name is such-and-such, police officer.”

The man was in his 40s, very elegant, polite and quiet. I noticed a prayer mark on his forehead. We exchanged the usual pleasantries, and I asked him, “In which department do you work?”

He hesitated for a second, then he replied: “State Security.”

We both kept silent, and he turned his face away from me and started to watch the other guests. My mind was torn between two conflicting options: Should I resume the previous polite conversation, or should I express my opinion candidly on the State Security Investigations department? In the end, I couldn’t help but challenge him, and I will reconstruct the conversation that followed to the best of my ability:

“Excuse me. You are religious, it seems,” I said.

“Thank God.”

“Don’t you see any contradiction between being religious and working in State Security?”

“Where would the contradiction arise?”

“People detained by State Security are beaten, tortured and raped, though all religions prohibit such practices.”

He started to get emotional and said: “First, those who are beaten deserve to be beaten. Second, if you study your religion thoroughly, you will find that what we do in the State Security department is fully compatible with Islamic teachings.”

“But Islam is a religion that safeguards human dignity.”

“That’s a generalization. I have read Islamic jurisprudence, and I am well aware of its provisions.”

“There’s nothing in Islamic jurisprudence that makes it legitimate to torture people.”

“Listen to me until I finish, please. Islam has nothing to do with democracy or elections. Obedience to a Muslim ruler is a duty for his subjects, even if he has usurped power, is corrupt or unjust. Do you know how Islam punishes those who rebel against their rulers?”

I kept silent.

He continued enthusiastically: “They face the haraba punishment, which is amputation of the left hand and the right foot. All those we detain at State Security have rebelled against the ruler, and by Islamic law we should cut off their limbs, but we do not do this. What we do is much less than the Islamic punishment.”

Our discussion went on for a long time. I told him that Islam was revealed essentially to defend truth, justice and freedom. I said that the haraba punishment was applicable only to armed groups that kill innocent people, steal their money or rape them. It should by no means be applied to Egyptian political dissidents.

He remained insistent on his opinion and ended the discussion by saying: “This is my understanding of Islam. I am convinced of it, and I will not change it. I will be responsible for it before God.”

After I left the wedding, I asked myself how this educated and intelligent officer could be convinced of such an erroneous interpretation of Islam. How did he extract from Islam such perverted ideas? How could he imagine for one moment that God approves of us torturing people? These questions remained without answers until, some months later, I read a paper titled “The Psychology of the Executioner.”

In it, the researcher argued that torturers can be divided into two groups. The first group are psychopaths, who behave aggressively without any moral restraints. The second group — and these are the majority — is made up of ordinary men who are psychologically normal and who, once they leave work, are upright and lovable, with good morals.

But to be able to torture people, two conditions are indispensable: submission and justification. Submission means the police officer carries out the torture in response to orders from his superior and convinces himself that he is compelled to obey. Justification comes about when the officer convinces himself that torture is ethically and religiously legitimate, usually because he believes his victims to be agents of the enemy or enemies of the nation, infidels or criminals. In his mind, that justifies torturing them to protect society and the country. Without this justification, the police officer would not be able to continue torturing his victims because, at some point, he would be unable to cope with his pangs of conscience.

I remembered this when I heard about the arrest in April of two university students, Omnia Taha and Sarah Mohammed Rezq. Campus security at Kafr El Sheikh University in the Nile Delta arrested the two young women and handed them over to State Security because they had incited their colleagues to go on strike. The prosecution accused them of plotting to overthrow the government and ordered that they be remanded in custody for 15 days for questioning. But honestly, how could two women less than 20 years old try to overthrow President Hosni Mubarak’s regime simply by talking to their colleagues?

Moreover, calling for a strike is not in itself a crime because Egypt has signed dozens of international conventions recognizing the right to strike as one of the basic rights of Egyptians. But what is really saddening is that I learned from colleagues of the two girls that at State Security they were violently beaten and tortured and that the man who beat them and ripped off their clothes was a senior officer. It’s not so terribly surprising — bloggers, leftists and Islamic activists are all arrested and tortured on a routine basis in Egypt, often spending years in prison without being charged — but it’s horrifying nevertheless.

How could a police officer, who was probably a husband and a father, beat with such brutality a student so like his own daughters? How could he face his conscience and look his wife and children in the eye? Didn’t this senior officer feel ashamed of himself as he beat a young woman who could not even defend herself?

As President Obama prepares for his trip to Egypt this week, the Mubarak regime is facing unprecedented waves of social protest because life here has become intolerable for millions of Egyptians, who now have no choice but to take to the streets to proclaim their demand for a life fit for humans. Today, between 40% and 50% of Egyptians live below the poverty line; Egypt has become two different countries — one for the poor and one for the rich.

As for the regime, it is now completely incapable of serious reform, so it pushes the police to confront, repress and torture people, overlooking the simple and important fact that police officers are, first and foremost, Egyptian citizens and that what applies to Egyptians in general applies to them too. Most of them suffer in the same way as other Egyptians.

I often recall the discussion I had with the State Security officer at the wedding. And I reflect that a political system that relies for its survival on repression always fails to see that the apparatus of repression, however mighty it may be, must be operated by individuals who are part of society and whose interests and opinions generally conform with those of the rest of the population. As repression increases, a day will come when those individuals can no longer justify to themselves the crimes they are committing against people. At that point the regime will lose its power to repress and will meet the fate it deserves. I believe that we in Egypt are approaching that day.

Alaa Al-Aswany is the author of the novels “The Yacoubian Building” and “Chicago.”

 http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/commentary/la-oe-aswani31-2009may31,0,7554043.story

Here is an Arabic translation:

http://tortureinegypt.net/alaswany-justification-of-torture

About Saudi Journalists

“What will you say when you go home about Saudi journalists,” Leila asks at the end of our class. Her question is a gift. Yani, kismet, too.

She is the only woman and a very smart journalist.  She thinks like a journalist, looking ahead, figuring where the news, the scene, the human situation, the reality will take you next and is preparing her thinking to do so.

I’ve been thinking how to end our session and this is the perfect doorway. I want to leave them with hope and I want also to say how much some of them have moved me. Their determination to learn, to do a better job, and to make journalism more respected than it is today in Saudi Arabia.

So, I tell her that the journalists I have met in the last few days are very different from those I met nearly twenty years ago when I wandered across the Kingdom meeting journalists.

You are braver today, I say. You take on more challenges. You know more about our profession. You know our rules. You and I may come from very different cultures but we share the same professional standards. We care about what is right and true and our responsibilities as journalists.

But you tell me also that you face great challenges. Your pay is low and your training is barely enough to let you get started. You have few specialized reporters and far too many of you work part-time. Your profession doesn’t get the respect it deserves and so many do this work part-time because that is enough to do it.

You say many of your bosses often do not understand you or nurture you or know how to make you do your best. You face red lines where there are no red lines and red lines where there shouldn’t be any. You know what I mean.

I hear all of this from you and yet I’m optimistic. I see a difference. And you have no choice but to do better. No choice.

What does Egypt need?

Every so often you read something in a newspaper that takes your breath away. It connects with its readers. It captures a reality they feel deep down. It moves them. It raises their eyes to a larger horizon. This is when the news media soars andwhen it is so needed and so importantly. Here is a translation of a column by Magdy al Gallad of al Masry al Youm newspaper. Read the Arabic as well.

By   Magdi al-Gallad    5/ 4/ 2009

I am sympathetic with the April 6 Youth Movement in its attempts to search for a way out of the current situation in Egypt. However, I think its call for the annual strike has no big hope or feasibility. Perhaps, this is because the change could not be achieved by an annual “Day” in which we celebrate saying “No” or perhaps because the strike will turn – year after a year – into a “repeated confrontation” between “excellent students” raising banners against the ruling regime, and “excellent young men” wearing security uniforms to arrest scores of protestors under strict orders. The two parties are Egyptian and some of them may be living in the same home!   This is not a disincentive to the demonstrators and the protesters, who do their best to stage their all-out strike. It is not also despair at resisting a regime, which is used to hear nothing but its voice, see nothing but its images and feel nothing but its personal features. But I mean to call on those young people to open new windows of hope away from the regime and the government’s inactivity. This hope will never turn into fact without grouping up the young people’s ranks around a great dream to be imposed on the ruling regime! We will clearly see this dream in lost eyes looking for inspiration to take them out of despair and alienation. It is the same dream that lives in strong arms that have not been used till now.   Immediately after getting out from a large supermarket late at night, a young man and his pregnant wife said: “We want to sit with you for a short time”. I tried to apologize because it was late and I was tired at the end of the day, but they insisted. We sat in a café and drank hot tea. He started to talk about Egypt, which no longer has a single image. He surprised me and said: “I wish I could feel Egypt as my father used to tell me about. He was speaking about it proudly. He used to say that Egypt will stay even if everything else was lost. If our dream turned into a nightmare, we will try again. My son you should know that Egypt is stronger than any force in the world. It will not be defeated either by external enemy or occupation.”   The young man, who did not exceed 28 years, stopped talking and looked to his wife and said: “We got married for love in a time of internal colonization. We talk a lot with our friends about the past, the present and the future. We do not know which Egypt we love. Is it Egypt that was ruled by corruption and tyranny or Egypt we see at Deweika or Egypt that is “raped” in resorts and nightclubs or Egypt that is lost in the eyes of the unemployed young people in cafes and “dens of drugs? We missed Egypt too much and we want to leave no stone unturned to turn it into the best country in the world!   After that the wife said: “He and I graduated from the Faculty of Engineering. We are working day and night to get food. We have ideas, but no one pays attention to them. We’ve turned to employees in merciless jobs that kill our creativity. In addition, I have concerns over the future of my would-be child because the future of Egypt is gloomy.” How could I ask my child to study hard to be an excellent student? I studied and became an engineer, but I live at the bottom rung of society! How could I ask him to be good in a time in which everything has turned upside down and good people have become corrupt? How could I teach him values, which have no place in the age of the valueless? They said painful words, but before leaving they said: “We want hope and a way to lead us to Egypt, which has left and hasn’t returned!” To the Youth of April: Find this couple and start together, but from where will you start? That is the question we should both be looking to answer! http://www.almasry-alyoum.com/article2.aspx?ArticleID=205757

To die in prison for a blog أن يموت في السجن لرأيك

What is the price of saying what you think online? IN some countries it means prison and for some people, it means death. Here are accounts of a young Iranian blogger who the government says took his own life, and whose family says just the oppposite.

http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/101823/

http://www.internationalpen.org.uk/index.cfm?objectid=3D2BF6F3-3048-676E-268CF7BFBFEF9FB0

from a human rights activist in Farsi

http://hra-iran.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=731:254&catid=143:107&Itemid=201

the same report in English:

http://hra-iran.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=761:351&catid=66:304&Itemid=293

Journalists and danger: facing challenges التحديات Tehlike karşısında

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The pay is miserable. The dangers are great. Dangers from the known and the unknown, dangers from passing the red lines and the lines unseen. The material rewards are seemingly few. And the burdens – the daily burdens are endlessly exhausting, frustrating, suffocating – endlessly.

In all the world, journalists press on against terrible challenges, or challenges that are not so great. Yet challenges that others refuse to face. It’s a tormenting challenge that sometimes overcomes journalists. I was talking recently to an Egyptian journalist in Cairo who is doing incredibly important investigative work, but who was exposing herself and her family to great dangers in getting the story.

This is the problem, I suggested. You need to do your work. You need to be clear and need to give all the facts so that you are credible and you will certainly have an impact. But you need to protect yourself and others, so you can continue to do your work again and again and so those close to you, and those who reply upon you will not suffer. I cannot say that enough.

Yet sometimes the decision is not so clear or simple. Think of all of those journalists who have been silenced.

These are the last words of a Sri Lankan editor who was murdered recently – I cannot recall as profound and moving a statement from a journalist about why some of us struggle on in the name of freedom. He wrote:

“people often ask me why I take such risks and tell me it is a matter of time before I am bumped off. Of course I know that: it is inevitable. But if we do not speak out now, there will be no one left to speak for those who cannot, whether they be ethnic minorities, the disadvantaged or the persecuted.”

And he ended his column, his last one, saying:

“Let there be no doubt that whatever sacrifices we journalists make, they are not made for our own glory or enrichment: they are made for you. Whether you deserve their sacrifice is another matter. As for me, God knows I tried.”

http://www.thesundayleader.lk/20090111/editorial-.htm

http://www.thesundayleader.lk/20090111/REVIEW.HTM

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/jan/13/praise-lasantha-wickrematunge

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-srilanka-journalists1-2009mar01,0,2922825.story

 

Here is the annual report from the International Federation on Journalists on the dangers and deaths faced by journalists in 2008

http://www.ifj.org/assets/docs/051/091/eb26233-523985b.pdf

This is a review of a play about the impact of covering war on journalists-in this case the war in Iraq and U.S. journalists.

But it could be about anyone who faces these realities.

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/14/theater/reviews/14time.html?ref=arts

On the detention of an Egyptian blogger

http://www.reuters.com/article/latestCrisis/idUSL3192301

الكتابة عن الأزمة المالية العالمية: نظرة للصحفيين في الشرق الأوسط Covering the Economic Crisis, a guide

 –        الدليل الأساسي

ستيفن فرانكلين

1.      يجب أن نبدأ الخبر بقصة يغلب عليها الطابع البشري. هذه القصة هي ما تربط الحقائق بالمشاعر.

ماذا عن هؤلاء الذين فقدوا مدخراتهم وخسروا أعمالهم؟ قليلة هي  الأخبار التي تبدأ \ بقصص عن هؤلاء الأشخاص.

أسئلة

ماذا عن هؤلاء الذين فقدوا وظائفهم وتم تسريحهم؟ كيف يمكنك أن تضفي الطابع المحلي على فقدان الوظائف؟ ما هي المجتمعات الأكثر تأثراً، والصناعات، ما هو نوع العمالة – هل هم من المهنيين أم من عمال المصانع أم العاملين في مجال الخدمات؟

وماذا عن هؤلاء الذين تأجلت خططهم المهنية فجأة ودون سابق إنذار؟

إذا قمنا بزيارة إلى السوق، والمتاجر حيث يشتري الناس البضائع المختلفة، ما الذي ستعرفه عن الاقتصاد؟ هل يمكنك أن تصنع إطاراً لخبرك من خلال ذهابك إلى المكان الذي يلمس فيه الاقتصاد حياة الناس؟ كيف يمكن لزيارتك أن تختلف عما يكتبه الخبراء أو يقولونه؟

2.      في الكثير من البلدان، تعتبر الأموال التي يرسلها العمال في الخارج إلى أسرهم من خلال الحوالات من العوامل الجوهرية في الاقتصاد القومي.

أسئلة

هل انخفض تدفق الأموال الآتية من خارج البلاد؟

من تأثر  من جراء خسارة هذه الأموال؟

هل انخفض عدد الأشخاص الذين يسافرون للعمل في الخارج، وهل تغير هذا النمط؟ ما هي الفئة المقبلة على السفر؟ ولماذا؟

هل تزايد عدد الأشخاص الذي يبحثون عن فرص عمل خارج البلاد؟

إذن، يجب أن نتحدث عن واقع الأسواق ذاتها.

أسئلة

إلى أي درجة كانت هذه الأسواق تتمتع بالحماية اللازمة لمواجهة مثل هذه الانهيارات؟  

إلى أي درجة تتوافر الشفافية حتى يتسنى للمستثمرين معرفة فيما تستثمر أموالهم، ومدى استقرار الأسواق، وكيف تعمل الأسواق اليوم في العالم العربي؟ ما هو وضع الشفافية في البورصة وبالنسبة للشركات؟

إلى أي  درجة ترتبط الأزمة المالية في العالم العربي بالاستثمارات الأجنبية عالية المخاطر، والمقامرات المالية المشكوك فيها، والاعتماد على النصائح الخاطئة لمواجهة الأزمة؟

كيف تغيرت البورصات خلال العقد الماضي في العالم العربي؟ ما هي الأدوات الاستثمارية الجديدة التي بدأت الشركات والمستثمرين في استخدامها؟

ما هو الدور الذي لعبته الاستثمارات في الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية وأوروبا في خلق وضع اقتصادي غير مستقر؟

3.      العولمة

أسئلة

ما هو تأثير الشركات الأجنبية على الاقتصاد؟  

هل قامت تلك الشركات بالمساهمة في استقرار الوضع الاقتصادي؟ وكيف كان للاقتصاد أن يتعامل مع الأزمة في حالة وجود عدد أقل من الشركات الأجنبية؟  

هل هناك نمط سلوكي معين متبع بين الشركات في هذا الموقف؟ بمعني، هل تقوم هذه الشركات بتحويل أنشطة أعمالها من دولة إلى أخرى؟ وما هي الإستراتيجيات التي تتبعها هذه الشركات؟

إلى أي مدى تتأثر البلدان العربية بالاقتصاد العالمي الآن؟ وأي منها الأكثر تأثراً؟

ما هو الأثر الذي ستخلفه الأزمة المالية على خطط هذه الشركات في المستقبل بالنسبة للدول العربية؟ ما هو الدور الذي يلعبه الاستثمار الأجنبي في قدرة العالم العربي على حماية نفسه؟

4.      التطلع إلى المستقبل

أسئلة

ما الذي يعنيه الانهيار في أسعار النفط للمنطقة، ولكل دولة على حدة وللشركات والاقتصادات وعلى الصعيد السياسي؟

نحتاج إلى تفاصيل بشأن نظرة الحكومات والمستثمرين إلى المستقبل. هل كان هذا الانهيار متوقعاً؟ إذا لم تعد أسعار النفط إلى أعلى معدلاتها، ما الذي سيحدث بعد ذلك للبلدان التي تعتمد اقتصاداتها على النفط؟ ما الدور الذي سيلعبه الغاز في الاقتصادات العربية؟

وماذا عن مقارنة الإستراتيجيات المالية للدول المختلفة التي تأثرت بالأزمة الاقتصادية؟ ما هي الدول التي وفرت الحماية اللازمة لبورصاتها، وخفضت أسعار الفائدة، ودعمت البنوك؟ هل اختلفت النتائج؟ 

كيف تباين التأثير على الدول الفقيرة والغنية في الشرق الأوسط؟ كيف أثر ارتفاع أسعار الغذاء والوقود على البلدان الأقل ثراءً؟ ما هو التأثير الذي خلفته الأزمة على الفلاحين وأسعار الغذاء؟

            هذه العناصر الخبرية يجب أن مترابطة وتتماشى مع السياق العام.

إذا شهد السوق انخفاضاً حاداً في الأسعار، كم كان هذا الانخفاض في الستة أشهر الماضية، وفي العام الماضي؟ ما هو حجم الدين العام الذي تأثر بهذه الخسائر؟

كيف تأثرت الأجور وتكاليف المعيشة وأساسيات الحياة؟ ما هي آخر الإحصائيات الخاصة بمعدلات البطالة؟ كيف تأثرت الضرائب والعوائد؟ ما هي مصادر الدخل مثل السياحة وغيرها من دعائم الاقتصاد التي تدهورت في ظل الأزمة؟ 

إذا لم تتمكن من الحصول على هذه الأرقام أو غيرها بسهولة من المسئولين بالحكومة، فما هي المصادر الأخرى التي تتيح مثل هذه البيانات؟ من الخبراء الأكاديميين والمنظمات الخاصة والمؤسسات البحثية والهيئات الدولية؟

ضع قائمة يمكنك الاعتماد عليها وبمواعيد التسليم الخاصة بالأخبار ومتابعتها وبالمشروعات قصيرة وطويلة الأجل؟ وبمناسبة المشروعات، ما هي الأخبار الاقتصادية التي حدثت اليوم والتي تعتقد أنه يمكنك متابعتها لمدة عام من تاريخ اليوم؟

اجعل أخبارك وتحليلاتك تتصف بالإنسانية والقوة وتتماشي مع السياق.

ما هو وجه الاختلاف بين الوقت الحاضر، وعام مضي، أو خمسة أو عشرة أعوام ماضية؟ ارسم صورة للاقتصاد من القمة إلى حيث تشتري الخبز وتملأ سياراتك بالبنزين. هل هناك علاقة بين ما يقوله مسئولو الحكومة وطريقة عمل الاقتصاد المحلي وما يعتقده المواطنون؟

استخدم الأرقام والرسومات البيانية لتحويل الأرقام إلى واقع، ومن ثم يضعها القراء في سياقها المناسب. أين يمكنك العثور على الأرقام والرسومات  البيانية التي يمكنك الاستعانة بها؟

 

Gaza, al Jazeera and the future of news in the Arab world and what matters?

The pictures. The sounds. The rhythm of news and the ratatatt of people speaking from all over the Arab world; some analysis, much more emotion, more much speechifying.

The sense of bringing you there and of them being there, of a reporter standing up in the darkness or daylight in front of a live and dangerous background, of their breathless delivering of breaking news, of staring at masses in city after cityshouting, marching and getting caught up in the wave, and then the slow stumble into what it means though it all remains a fog as bleery as any other in days to come. But all within hours of the start of the news.

If there was any doubt about the power of Arab satellite television, the crisis in Gaza is the end, and yet another warning for newspapers across the Arab world. A warning they cannot ignore. They cannot capture the news as immediately as before. But what they can do is to use their websites to tell the news immediately, and then their pages to tell stories in detail and offer explanations and to capture in photographs the moments of humanity that can only be preserved in the well considered photo.

The newspapers that used their news pages to capture the history of the moment, al Hayat among them, rose to the occasion. With all of its sources, al Jazeera captured the moment and captured the masses who then became the news that the newspapers wrote about the next day.

Cairo-

The disconnect between coverage of Gaza in the West and Arab world-a very good overview

http://www.arabmediasociety.com/?article=698

On coverage — from the Guardian

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/dec/31/israelandthepalestinians-middleeast1

on coverage – from al Ghad – in Arabic

http://www.alghad.jo/?article=11632–in Arabic

from al Jazeera, on the Western media’s coverage of Gaza

http://english.aljazeera.net/focus/war_on_gaza/2009/01/20091585448204690.html

on al Jazeera in Arabic – an article I wrote for CJR online

http://www.cjr.org/campaign_desk/the_rage_will_be_televised.php

http://www.latimes.com/news/education/la-fg-arab-media8-2009jan08,0,1236090.story

http://www.cjr.org/campaign_desk/what_the_red_cross_sees_the_me.php

http://www.cjr.org/campaign_desk/war_of_the_words.php

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/jan/07/gaza-america-media

http://tyndallreport.com/comment/20/3556

http://andrewsullivan.theatlantic.com/the_daily_dish/2008/12/israel-gaza-rea.html

see the blogs from gaza listed on the left

al jazeera in English on Gaza

http://labs.aljazeera.net/warongaza/

on al jazeera in English from the New York Times

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/12/business/media/12jazeera.html?th&emc=th

praise for an al Jazeera in English correspondent in Gaza, from Haaretz

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1054282.html

On the problems facing the foreign press in covering Gaza, from the Guardian

http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2009/jan/14/media-frustrated-over-gaza

on al Arabiya’s coverage 

http://www.elaph.com/Web/NewsPapers/2009/1/400395.htm

 

 

at night in a taxi in Cairo معاناة في صمت

Crossing Cairo – Night-time and the taxi driver, peering at the talled traffic ahead, lights a cigarette, apologizes and says he needs it. He says he is tired.

“Why. A lot work?”

“I work two jobs.”

“Why two?

“Because my day-job with a company is not enough. Not any more. I drive here six, seven night a week and it is still not enough.”

“What do you mean?”

“I cannot pay my bills. I cannot buy meat more than once a week. A year ago it was better. Two years ago even better. Now nothing. Nothing. I work and I have nothing. I work and three of us at home work. And what, what is there to show? Nothing. And I am tired.”

Rumbling forward in fits in his small ramshackle, time-weary taxi-antique, I glance over in the dim lighting at the middle-aged driver with a deep furrow across his forehead, a thin balding man who swims in the old wrinkled grey sport-coat he is wearing, and I wonder.

Why don’t I read about him and all the others who are struggling here and across the Middle East? Where are the stories about people whose small businesses have collapsed, who have lost their gambles on stock markets that vanished like sand coming across the desert? As of today, stock markets across the Middle East have lost half of their value in only a few months.

Where are the stories about the university graduates working in the local stories so they can get by; the stories about the young middle-class workers whose savings disappeared when the inflation roared up to 20 percent and who could no longer pay their bills? About the workers sent home from lucrative jobs elsewhere?

I don’t see them day in and day out in the newspaper or on the television. I don’t see any word about them except when there are explosions of despair: marches or strikes and when a government official says as bad as it seems things will get better. When? And how? This is what I am looking for in the newspaper, but it is not there.

But it is here in the Cairo night, stalled and going nowhere.

This is worth reading هذا هو تستحق القراءة

أنت مواطن صحفي

on citizen journalism – a guide

http://sharek.aljazeera.net/

On reporting by the Yemen Times – a brave level of reporting

http://community-en.menassat.com/forum/topics/arab-media-to-lead-or-to

a column by Mona Eltahawy on Gaza

http://www.dailystaregypt.com/article.aspx?ArticleID=18767

on Iraqi refugees

http://pulitzercenter.org/showproject.cfm?id=75

A fascinating video on bloggers in Iran

http://www.rottengods.com/2009/01/iranian-bloggers-new-nation-on-web.html

On bloggers and freedom of speech in Egypt by the New York Times correspondent

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/18/world/middleeast/18egypt.html?_r=2

On freedom of the press and satellite television from the Committee to Protect Journalists

http://cpj.org/2009/02/satellite-tv-middle-east.php

From a blogger arrested and released in Egypt;

http://tabulagaza.wordpress.com/

Here’s a very detailed look at the Arab blogosphere. Do you agree with it?

http://cyber.law.harvard.edu/sites/cyber.law.harvard.edu/files/Mapping_the_Arabic_Blogosphere_0.pdf

الكتابة عن انهيار الاقتصاد Covering the financial collapse in the Middle East-

 

Traveling in Qatar – Kuwait – Emirates – Saudi Arabia:

The charts are the same – oil’s collapsing price, stock markets’ collapsing values. The photos are the same: frustrated traders, worried leaders of stock markets. But some reporting is missing.

First there is the human story, the story that connects facts with feelings.

What about those who have lost their savings, their businesses? Few stories begin with the tales of these people. What about those who jobs have been cut? The workers who have to return home, or who can nolonger send home as much as they once did. And what about those whose career plans have suddenly been put on hold?

Then we need to talk about the the reality of the markets themselves. How well were they protected against such crashes? How much transparency exists so that investors knew where their funds were going, and how markets operate today in the Arab world? How much of the Arab world’s financial slide is linked to risky foreign investments, questionable financial gambles, dependence on advice that was blown away by the crisis?

Then we need to look ahead. What does the collapse in oil prices mean for the region, for each country, for businesses, for economies, for politics? We need details on how governments and investors are looking ahead. Was this collapse anticipated? And if if oil never returns to the mountaintop of prices, what will come next for those countries that counted on it?  And how about a comparison of the financial strategies of each country touched by the economic quiksand?

And lastly, the stories need to be pertinent and in context. If there’s been a market swoon, how much in the last six month, in the last year? How much of the nation’s debt is impacted by the losses? How have wages,the costs of l iving, the basic things of life been impacted. Make the stories and anlaysis humane, and compelling and draw the picture of the economy all the way from the top down to the store where you buy your bread.

Use number and charts to make the numbers real and then people and then put it all into context so that it matters.

 

These are the stories that need to told, and they way they might be.

Can the Arab news media learn from the West?, a debate

An interesting debate. What do you think? A 45-minute video

http://www.motionbox.com/videos/a098dab41917e828

Bloggers in Egypt المدونين في مصر

from the Columbia Journalism Review

The Hunger

Egypt’s bloggers want to be journalists

By Stephen Franklin

Sandmonkey was determined to quit his blog. Sniping away at life and politics in Egypt had become too risky, he said, even under the cover of his anonymous online moniker. Too much of a chance the government thugs would hurt him or someone close to him, or smash his computer equipment. He wasn’t alone in his worry. The dozen or so bloggers who had gathered in the offices of a fledgling Cairo newspaper were freaked out by the four-year prison term given to a twenty-two-year-old former law school student for criticizing President Hosni Mubarak and for “religious incitement.” The blogger had called Mubarak “the symbol of tyranny” and said Muslims who attacked a Coptic Christian church had “revealed their true ugly face.” He had blasted Al-Azhar University, a revered center of Islamic learning, as “the other face of the coin of al Qaeda.” Some of the bloggers in the room disagreed with what he had written, but they didn’t expect a prison term. The muscular guy in a black T-shirt sitting beside me said that the authorities had already done all they can do to him, so he wasn’t worried. He said he would keep blogging, writing what he wants, showing up at dissident rallies. I was tempted to ask for specifics about what he had endured, but decided it was best that I didn’t.

I was in Cairo on a Knight fellowship from the International Center for Journalists, on leave from the Chicago Tribune, where I cover labor after years of roaming back and forth to the Middle East. I earned my first Middle Eastern credentials covering the Lebanon war in 1982, and my Arabic is still pretty good. The Washington-based center sends people like me around the world to help independent-minded journalists make a difference in their countries. But shortly after I arrived in Cairo in late February 2007, the two main projects that I had planned to work with were swept aside in a swirl of dead-handed bureaucracy and delayed decisions. No surprise; it’s the Middle East. But with just over four months remaining in my fellowship, I needed to find another way to contribute. It felt like I was back forty years in the Peace Corps in Turkey—things don’t work out, so you move on.

I began calling newspaper friends who suggested people and organizations I might be able to assist, and right away an Egyptian reporter who was struggling to establish an independent news network connected me with the bloggers. I found them at an existential moment. They are testing the limits of their freedom in a time of great intellectual, economic, and political ferment in Egypt. Some Egyptian journalists told me with absolute certainty that change is coming for their news media, and that it can’t be stopped. It is true that small newspapers are bubbling up to challenge the state-run media; satellite TV from the wider Arab world has forced Egyptian TV to get real and copy Al Jazeera’s model; Egyptian journalists are talking to other Arab journalists about what binds them and about strategies for the future; government newspapers, in the face of declining circulation, finally seem to realize that they must compete; and the Internet—as it has in repressive societies everywhere—has opened the world to Egyptians and given them the power to speak out.

http://www.cjr.org/feature/the_hunger.php

Alaa على الوضع الانساني

Gulping down memories, one bounding stride after another, Alaa al Aswany stops dead in the middle of the street, a middle-aged bear of a man oblivious to the students and traffic swirling by him.
“It was here,” he says in the warm growl of a long-time smoker. 
Then he flashes the beatific smile that he sometimes turns on after a long discussion about the pains and joys of being a writer, and especially in Egypt where the financial rewards are few, and taboos many.
Here, he says at the corner of Polk and Wood Streets in the heart of the University of Illinois at Chicago campus, his understanding of Americans’ kindness was confirmed on a cold, blustery day over 20 years ago.
He was rushing across campus with a freshly typed master’s thesis, a work summing up one and a half years of graduate study at UIC’s College of Dentistry, when the papers just floated up and away.
“People got out of their cars and stopped and they and everyone else collected the papers,” he recalls. “But I wasn’t surprised,” he adds matter of factly. “I already knew that the American people are kind.”
But his return to Chicago earlier this year, his first since graduation, was more than a nostalgic rendezous with his past. It was in advance of the October publication of the English-language translation of “Chicago,” a novel that Arab readers have grabbed up in even greater numbers than his first record-breaking hit, “The Yacoubian Building.”
So much so, his publishers say it’s one of the best selling books in the Arab world.
“Chicago” is as calming a read as standing in the heart of a thunder storm.
There’s American decadence and racism, the soul-crushing loneliness of being an Egyptian immigrant in this strange outpost of outwardly friendly folks and the backward tug of Saudi-inspired Islamic conservatism on Egyptians here and at home. And there’s one of his favorite themes – his deep disdain for Egypt’s rulers and what he and others consider their disregard for democracy.
One reason for the emotional surge that erupts in almost every chapter is that the book appeared several years ago as a weekly serial in the Egyptian left-of-center al Destour (the Constitution) newspaper.
Though the book is called “Chicago,” the city and its residents largely form the backdrop for what happens to a group of Egyptians studying or working at UIC’s Medical School after the 9/11 tragedy.
A successful Egyptian professor, who disdains fellow Arabs, has his American dream shattered. Another Egyptian-born professor sinks into deep remorse over his decision years ago to forsake his homeland. A deeply religious graduate student has a relationship outside of marriage with an Egyptian student.
Another Egyptian student, who won a government scholarship only because he is a mole for Egyptian Intelligence, pimps his wife to a Chicago-based intelligence official who pulls incredible strings in the U.S. In turn, the agent sets up a young Egyptian leftist for arrest by U.S. anti-terrorism police.
Before his arrest, the student wrongly suspects his newly found Jewish girlfriend of setting him up.
Al Aswany, who writes a newspaper column in Cairo and belongs to Kefaya, (Enough) <cq> a struggling opposition party, disowns the notion that the novel is overly negative, or is a sociological examination of Egyptians at home and aboard.
“Literature is not a tourist guide,” he says. “I’ve been criticized for giving a negative image of Egypt. But I’m not a novelist working for the Ministry of Tourism. I don’t write novels to convince people to come to Sharm al Sheikh.”
What inspires him, he says, is human suffering.
As for the ambient sex in his writings, sex, he explains, is a “human language” that needs to told and explored.
The lure of al Aswany’s writing for Arab readers, suggests Farouk Mustafa, <cq> who translated “Chicago,” is that “he enlarges things in such a way as to bring them closer to the reader.” Al Aswany “has created a new class of novel readers,” says Mustafa, a professor of Arabic at the University of Chicago, who goes by the pen name Farouk Abdel Wahab.
As if to refute complaints that his novels revolve around trite formulas, al Aswany says he only creates his characters. After that they lead their own lives on his computer screen, and, he adds, often make the wrong decisions.
For example, he disapproves of the way the young Egyptian radical student in “Chicago” dumped his Jewish girl-friend. “I wouldn’t have done that,” he says with a frown.
Al Aswany’s own life, including his Chicago days, reads like one of his stories.
He arrived here, a relatively poor young Egyptian lured by the good reputation of the city and dental school. It was supposed to be a brief stay, but with dental faculty’s help he became a master’s degree student. When his money ran out, they helped him find a campus job, too.
Dr. A.E. Zaki, a professor emeritus at the dental school, recalls al Aswany’s “deep love of literature.” But he also was struck by al Aswany’s appetite for experiencing Chicago. “He lived it to the fullest,” he says.
Armed with the Reader’s weekly list of events, but little spending money, al Aswany roamed widely and frugally. He took in a Puerto Rican liberation movement meeting. He attended a church where, to his surprise, the parishoners were gay. He visited experimental theaters. He made friends with blacks, Jews, and a priest, who regularly invited him to services.
When he left for Egypt, he vowed to one day write a novel about Chicago.
He ached to be a writer, but heeded his father’s advice that since writers starve in Egypt he needed a steady paying job. His father, Abbas al Aswany, was a famous who earned a living as a lawyer.
He opened a dental office in Cairo, started writing on the side, and after years of frustration, his novel “the Yacoubian Building, published in 2002, exploded across the Arab world. It was a tale of political corruption, sexual abuse, religious fanaticism, homosexuality and the despair of the poor.
Just as that novel became a movie and runaway hit, there are plans to turn “Chicago” into a movie.
Translated into 20 languages, “The Yacoubian Building” has sold over 1 million copies, a half of that number in Arabic, according to Mark Linz, head of publications for American University in Cairo, which published “The Yacoubian Building” in English.
“Imagine, after 20 years you come back to this city, and you are one of the best selling authors in the Arab world,” he says, poised in front of the UIC dormitory where he discovered a new life so many years ago.

Blind in the Desert اعمى في الصحراء

 http://english.aljazeera.net/programmes/listeningpost/2008/07/20087111423350627.html

The conflict in Darfur is a news story that has been widely and emotively covered by western media but has attracted relatively little coverage within the Arab media.

The Listening Post’s Salah Khadr finds out why.

There are many similarities between the violence in Iraq and Darfur from the estimate of the number of civilians killed to paramilitaries operating closely linked to the government forces, to victims who are targeted for membership of an ethnic group.

However international media coverage generally reports one as a civil war or cycle of insurgency and the other as a genocide.

More than 200,000 people have died in the conflict in Darfur, with millions more turned into refugees and the situation becoming a picture of “hell on earth” according to the UN.

Sudan’s population is 40 per cent Arab and Arabs are at the heart of the conflict, but for many in the Arab world, the humanitarian catastrophe may as well not exist.

The reason being the Arab media have largely ignored it.

Lawrence Pintak, a journalist and Arab media expert, says the problem with Darfur when it comes to the Arab media is that it does not fit the template of Arabs being the victims and other people the aggressors.

“Arabs here are good guys and bad guys,” he says.

‘State of denial’

“I think we are in a state of denial,” Jehad Khazen, a former editor of the al-Hayat newspaper, says.

“People say ‘the Arabs or Muslims – cannot do this – it did not happen’ – but they did do this and it did happen – and they have to reconcile themselves to the fact.”

Listening Post

Find out more about the programme

Just because the Arab media does not cover a lot of what happens in the Darfur crisis does not mean that Arab public opinion is not interested says Nadim Hasbani, an Arab media analyst from the International Crisis Group.

“A Zogby poll around March or April in 2007 showed there is a real eagerness in Arab public opinion to read more and learn more about what is happening in Darfur. But this is not reflected in the Arab media.”

It could be argued that geography plays a role in the limited coverage given the conflict is in Africa, not the Middle East.

But whilst Darfur largely remains a non-event on the Arab media scene, European and North American media travel from greater distances to cover this story.

“There is always going to be some sort of reluctance to demonise their own, the Arabs as they will see themselves,” Opheera McDoom, Reuters correspondent in Darfur, says.

“But I think while there has been coverage in the Arab media, there has been a reluctance in the Arab media to go to Darfur and check things out for themselves.

“I see a lot more western media going to Darfur and spending weeks in Darfur than I do Arab media and that is where you see the difference. You will get a much more in-depth coverage and a lot more interesting coverage if you actually go to Darfur, and that is where the Arab media has fallen down.”

However, some Arab media analysts say that the implied rationale from the American media in particular is that the story in Darfur is Arabs killing Africans because they do not know anything other than violence.

US suspicion

“That’s what the audience is left to conclude,” says Mahmood Mahdani of Columbia University.

“So that’s of course not acceptable if you are part of the Arab media. You can immediately sense that you are being caricatured and demonised at the same time.”

 It is questionable, however, if such suspicions over the motivation and vigour of US media coverage account for the strategy of limited coverage from many Arab media outlets.

Arab media’s coverage of Darfur is often more analysis than reporting [EPA]

“What is most striking to me is that the media coverage has a single focus and that’s a focus on atrocities, on atrocity stories, there’s no attempt to place them in context,” Mahdani says.

“There’s no attempt to explain, to locate it historically, to show that there’s any change happening.

“I think it is about linking Darfur with the larger war on terror by portraying and framing the perpetrators of violence in Darfur as Arabs.”

The 22 Arab states all have a distinctive media output and often it is not so much a question of following an agenda but deciding which agenda to follow.

“It is not one agenda – every Arab government has a different agenda from the other – Egypt is more interested in Darfur as Sudan is next door and doesn’t want a spill over,” Khazen says.

“But a country a like the UAE or Oman – find they are not directly involved and they can’t influence events – so you find that the coverage is much more limited there.”

Government hindrance

Covering Darfur is also hindered by the government of Sudan who have imposed strict access criteria and will often not issue visas or take journalists to government-controlled areas.

“They [the government] know that if more information comes out there will be added pressure on the Sudanese government,” Hasbani says.

“It’s not easy to cover Darfur – its not easy for Western Journalists and its not easy for Arab journalists,” Lawrence Pintak says.

“I talked to an Al Jazeera correspondent who was based in Khartoum a while back – and he said to go and cover Darfur – you have to go to Khartoum – then to Nairobi – to West Africa up to Cameroon, across from Cameroon to Chad and then in through the back door to the refugee camps.

“If you don’t do that then you are on a guided tour and you may as well go to Disneyland.”

The result of these restrictions has been a move toward more analytical coverage and away from hard reporting.

“What’s happened in Arab media is that we have so much coverage of the political issues related to Darfur like – what is the UK, France, US, UN reaction to Darfur – but what we really need actually is not the political coverage, but the coverage from the ground,” Hasbani says.

“What are the facts, what are the stories, where are the images of the refugees of the people being killed? These are images we don’t have but are the images we need – its not about the political process.”
 

A Listening Post special on the media coverage of Darfur can be seen on Al Jazeera from Friday July 12 at the following times GMT:

Friday

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حقوق الانسان والمدونين

For a good description of the state of blogging and human rights in the Arab world, read the results of this conference in Cairo sponsored by the Arab Network for Human Rights Informnation, in Arabic and English

http://www.openarab.net/ar/node/531

Are blogs alternative media in the Middle East?

this raises an interesting question –

Beirut-based blogger, Razan Ghazzawi, discusses what blogs mean to the media landscape, for journalism and for the concept of free speech and democracy in the Middle-East.

 

BY RAZAN GHAZZAWI

 

BEIRUT, June 25, 2008 (MENASSAT) — I want to dispel misconceptions surrounding blogs and blogging in the Arab world. Misconceptions I consider to be the same (in the Arab world) as those surrounding the press, freedom and democracy.

In the media landscape, blogs have been allowed to fill some sort of media/content vacuum, and nowadays blogging is considered “alternative” media.

How the “official” or “independent” media has allowed for such a vacuum to exist is unclear to me? Nonetheless, blogging is alternative media and finding out why requires an evaluation – an evaluation of the role of journalism and the role of different forms of media.

If I am asked, I say that journalism, like the idea of truth, has become an industry, and not just an industry but monopolized by industry like other concepts such as freedom, freedom of speech and democracy – all of these things have been commodified.

I think the official media is a contradiction to the idea of a “free” media. Rather than a plurality of voices, it monopolizes the voices of the people. Slogans become stories in order to create one identity with the disguise of plurality.

The same polarity exists with the concept of “independent journalism” or “independent” media. In this case, it is reduced to one meaning: opposing the dictator, i.e. opposing the “official” media.

I often wonder whether society is simply following a new policy that says, “If I am of the opposition then I’m free?” Does freedom mean opposition only?

Blogging as what…?

Unfortunately, journalism has over the decades become a victim of reductive logic, in which it falls into the categories of “official” or “independent” journalism rather than old-fashioned journalism.

Here, I ask, is it good to consider blogging a function of alternative media alone? I mean, if the free press were an alternative to the official media, how would blogging be an alternative – an alternative for what specifically?

I personally object to using the word “alternative” to describe blogging or blogs, for the term itself suggests eliminating something in order to replace it with something else. What’s worse is that this has already happened and “alternative” has become part of the media lexicon without discussing the form of media it is replacing.

http://menassat.com/?q=en/news-articles/4001-blog-what-middle-east

Blogging for a cause-a guide in Arabic

Blog for a Cause!: The Global Voices Guide of Blog Advocacy explains how activists can use blogs as part of campaigns against injustice around the world. Blogging can help activists in several ways. It is a quick and inexpensive way to create a presence on the Internet, to disseminate information about a cause, and to organize actions to lobby decision-makers.

And here is the Arabic version:

 http://advocacy.globalvoicesonline.org/wp-content/uploads/ar-blog4cause.pdf

ولهذا فان الجميع بحاجة الى صحافه حرة

Rights groups demand investigation into alleged assault against journalists

By Compiled by Daily New Egypt
First Published: June 27, 2008

CAIRO: Three human rights organizations demanded an official police investigation into the alleged assault of Kamal Murad, a journalist at the opposition newspaper Al-Fajr.

The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI), the Arab Council for the Support of a Fair Trial and the Hisham Mubarak Law Center submitted a petition to the deputy minister of interior affairs on June 21, calling for an inquest into Murad’s alleged torture by police officers, according to a press release by ANHRI.

Three police officers in Beheira physically and verbally abused Murad, said the statement, and confiscated his notes and mobile phone memory card.

He was then arrested on charges of attacking police officers and inciting peasants against the security forces, said the ANHRI.

The incident reportedly follows Murad’s exposure of an influence-peddling case involving a local trader and his two sons who are police officers.

In his investigation, Murad has interviewed peasants in Ezbat Moharram in Beheira and shot pictures of police officers beating peasants in order to force them to sign lease contracts with a landlord, the rights group said.

The officers were allegedly doing this as a favor to their fellow policeman whose father happens to be the landlord.

 

ما هي المشكلة مع الصحفيين من اليمن؟What’s the problem with Yemen’s journalists?

This is a courageous editorial from the Yemen Times.

The image of Yemeni media globally is that journalists are struggling for freedom of expression willing to die for the cause, while the evil Yemeni government especially the Ministry of Information and the political security apparatus are chocking the life and spirit out of the free journalists. There are reportedly many violations against freedom of press, and so many local reports come every year to document such violations.

For example, the Center for Training and Protection of Journalists’ Freedoms based in Sana’a issued its annual report this month stating that there had been 220 registered incidents against journalists in 2007, while the first third of 2008 witnessed 52 violations. These range from harassment, verbal and physical abuse and court cases. Year 2007 was termed by the report as the worst year for freedom of press in Yemen.

However, that is only half of the story.

The other half which not many people talk or want to talk about is regarding the number of false news items published by Yemeni media, or the number of drastic mistakes in figures and inaccuracies published and broadcasted. Or the extortion incidents Yemeni journalists are committing against business owners, government officials and even diplomats so as to get money.

Worse of all, no one talks about how the Yemeni journalists’ community is suffering from apathy regarding causes they claim to defend. They even don’t show support to their own issues such as violations against the press. In the protest called on by the Yemeni Journalists Syndicate last week in support of Al-Wasat Newspaper, which was prevented from being printed, of the hundreds of Sana’a based journalists only 12 showed up. And I am sure some of them were at the syndicate by chance just to follow their journalists ID cards or some other business.

But this was not reported because we do not want the government to think that we are divided and that we don’t care if Al-Wasat ever publishes again or Al-Khaiwani receives a death sentence.

This is partly because many of the people working in media today are there because they could not do anything else. There is a common saying in Yemen that journalism is the profession of those who don’t have a job. So they are just considering journalism as a job like any other job and they simply want to keep it by staying out of trouble, so that they get a salary at the end of the month. This applies heavily to official media including TV and radio.

The other reason is that a large part of Yemeni journalists are frustrated and bored. They are underpaid, under trained and not respected. So they don’t appreciate their profession and the “will to defend the truth and change the world”, has long gone with the first paycheck. Now there is even a worse trend which is: Yemeni journalists write about events and issues only if that particular organization pays them to do so. They are simply sold. For example, for international organsiations including the high level ones such as the UN agencies, the World Bank, or even events carried out by embassies, there is a budget line called media transport allowance. This is apparently the money they give journalists in order to get them on board and give the event or the issue publicity. Apparently it is to help the journalists get “transportation” to the venue of the event. Keep in mind that they pay at least 2000 Yemeni riyals per day, while it could cost 40 riyals on average to get physically to that venue. Maybe transportation here includes spiritual preparation for journalists, or maybe they are hiring expensive cars, but nevertheless, it works. And this is why if someone has an event but does not include “transportation allowance” none will even show up, let alone write about it. Of course there are exceptions, but they are only what they are: exceptions.

So before you jump into conclusions about the situation of Yemeni media, maybe it would be fairer to all parts to take a look at the other side of the story and then see how and who in Yemeni media equation should be supported.

 

This is an inspiring interview with the 29-year-old editor of the Yemen  Times; Nadia al Saqqaf

http://www.strategicforesight.com/iwforum/nadia.htm

المشي الى الوراء في الوقت المناسبThe Arab Media’s backward slide

from Arab Media and Society:

Unfortunately, as the latest Freedom House report underlines, the relationship between media and state in the Middle East and North Africa is no fairy tale. Not a single Arab country has a press classified as “free.” For every step forward, there is at least one step back. For every official committed to loosening the reins, there is a lawyer wielding a lawsuit or a police thug with a blood-spattered baton. The rack may be history, but electric probes are today’s torture implement of choice. Just ask blogger and labor activist Kareem al-Beheiri.

http://www.arabmediasociety.com/?article=669

الحرية التي اختفت Freedom Disappeared

 

http://www.cpj.org/attacks07/mideast

 

from the Committee to Protect Journalism on the Arab news media 2007

In terms of the media, governments have built new strategies to contain the assertive journalists who have emerged over the last decade in countries such as Algeria, Jordan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen. Job dismissals, behind-the-scenes threats, third-party defamation suits, and trumped-up terrorism charges like those brought against al-Khaiwani have replaced the torture, enforced disappearances, and open-ended incarcerations that were the hallmarks of the previous era. Image conscious governments have also become masters of spin, championing cosmetic media reforms designed mainly for public consumption.

 

بعيدا عن الأنظار، نوع جديد من القمع
بقلم: جويل كمبانيا

في وقت العصر من أحد أيام الاربعاء في حزيران/يونيو الماضي، قام عملاء تابعون لأجهزة الأمن اليمنية بمداهمة منزل المحرر الصحفي الجريء عبد الكريم الخيواني، ثم جروه لمحاكمة أمام محكمة أمن الدولة في العاصمة صنعاء. استجوبت النيابة العامة الخيواني، ثم وجهت له تهمة الانتماء لخلية إرهابية سرية—وهي تهمة يمكن أن يعاقب عليها القانون بالإعدام. وقد سبب هذا الاعتقال صدمة بين الصحفيين اليمنيين، وتساءل بعضهم صراحة ما إذا كان زميلهم المعروف بمقالاته المهيّجة التي يهاجم فيها الحكومة اليمنية وحربها ضد المتمردين في مدينة صعدة الواقعة في الشمال الغربي من البلاد، متورطا بأمر شنيع. وقد أصدرت لجنة حماية الصحفيين حينها تصريحات متحفظة أعربت فيها عن انشغالها، لأنها لم تكن متأكدة من أن هذه التهمة لا أساس لها من الصحة

See the report in Arabic, click link.

http://cpj.org/attacks07/mideast_arb/ar_mideast_analysis_07.html

This is news and it is alive تطور ستذاع

 

It is like reading notes handed from one to another with pictures and videos. The notes becomes the news and the news becomes the mirror of life of things today in Egypt: take a look at what the bloggers are doing these days.

Here’s a video 

 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VhY0X3K3Yic

On Arab world satellites, from Amnesty International

ينبغي على مؤتمر قمة جامعة الدول العربية أن يرفض القيود الجديدة المفروضة على البث الفضائي

قالت منظمة العفو الدولية اليوم إنه ينبغي على ممثلي دول الجامعة العربية المجتمعين في دمشق بسورية يومي 28 و29 مارس/آذار أن يتخذوا خطوات لمعالجة المشاكل الأساسية لحقوق الإنسان التي تواجه منطقة الشرق الأوسط.

وقال مالكوم سمارت مدير برنامج الشرق الأوسط وشمال أفريقيا في منظمة العفو الدولية إن “الجامعة العربية ما برحت تشارك بصورة متزايدة في الجهود الرامية إلى تسوية بعض الخلافات السياسية الكبرى في المنطقة، لاسيما المأزق المستمر الذي يظل يحول دون انتخاب رئيس جديد في لبنان”، وأضاف “لكنها أخفقت في معالجة بواعث القلق عميقة الجذور المتعلقة بحقوق الإنسان، وقد اتخذت في الآونة الأخيرة خطوة خطيرة إلى الوراء بمساندة قيود جديدة على البث”.

ودعت المنظمة الجامعة إلى الرفض القاطع والكلي لمبادئ تنظيم البث الفضائي في العالم العربي، التي اعتمدها وزراء الإعلام في الدول الأعضاء في الجامعة في 12 فبراير/شباط، والتي تشكل جزءاً من مسودة ميثاق البث الفضائي العربي.

وقال مالكوم سمارت إن “البث الفضائي يظل حيوياً في زيادة حرية تدفق المعلومات والأفكار في العالم العربي، ولا يجوز أن يخضع لمزيد من القيود غير المشروعة”، وتابع قائلاً إنه “في دول عديدة يظل الإعلام خاضعاً لرقابة رسمية شديدة وأصلاً تكافح مؤسسات البث المرئي والمسموع والصحافة في ظروف صعبة لوضع المعلومات المهمة في متناول الجمهور، ويظل العديد من الصحفيين يتعرضون للمضايقة والعقوبات بسبب الأخبار التي ينشرونها.”

Satellite TV, from Arab Media and Society

By Daoud Kuttab

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–>

March, 2008.  There is no doubt that the proliferation of Arabic language satellite stations is causing a lot of waves in the Arab world. Seen innocently, the need for some type of regulatory process makes sense. But the Arab League members with the exception of Lebanon and Qatar were not innocently trying to ban pornography or violent programming from Arabs’ television screens.  Nor is their most recent resolution trying to curtail the content of Arab satellite stations an attempt to create an Arab version of the American FCC.  It is no short of an attempt to control the minds and thoughts of Arab viewers, mostly on political issues.

The Arab League is a voluntary organization of Arab countries that has some moral authority but no binding power. Until recently, the only regular meeting that occurred like a Swiss watch was the meeting of Arab interior ministers. The leaders of Arab intelligence and security forces met regularly to plan and coordinate actions that protected their own regimes as well as the interests of their international allies, most prominently the United States.
 

On freedom for Arab world satellite TV

(CIHRS/IFEX) – The following is an 18 February 2008 CIHRS press release:

Ailing Arab League Undermines Freedom of Expression

CIHRS strongly condemns the document entitled “Principles regulating Radio
and Satellite TV Transmission and Receiving in the Arab Region”, adopted by
the Council of Arab Information Ministers. CIHRS confirms that the
document, disguised by media professional ethics rhetoric, is primarily
aimed at providing a fake national and ethical cover to limit the freedom
margin exercised by the media outlets in some of the Arab countries. This
margin of freedom existed either because of the influence of the global
communications and information revolution or internal and external
pressures for democracy.

Ironically, it is the same Arab League that failed to realize one
achievement for the major Arab issues in Palestine, Iraq, Maghreb Sahara,
the occupied Emirates Islands, Lebanon, Southern Sudan and Darfur, that is
being used as a platform for this “unified Arab” attack on freedom of
expression.

It is indicative that the said document was developed following an
initiative by the Egyptian government as media freedom in Egypt is
seriously deteriorating. This is best manifested by the jail sentences
awaiting five editors-in-chief of partisan and independent newspapers all
at once. In addition, there are hundreds of cases pending at the courts
against journalists as well as defamation campaigns against the press and
satellite channels where government media professionals participate,
claiming that the media is committing violations of code of ethics and
jeopardizes Egypt’s reputation. This is meant to refer to the exposure of
police violations of citizens’ rights and torture incidents. It is
similarly indicative that Saudi Arabia joins such an initiative with its
hegemony over media outlets, not only within the Kingdom, but also
throughout the Arab region.

On the press in Egypt

 from the Initiative for an Open Arab press

Walls of Glass!

Nothing can be hidden in Egypt . The state-owned newspapers are no longer the only source of news or information. To know about real situations in Egypt , one can read the independent newspapers and bloggs.

Torture, corruption, political suppression, poverty, and peaceful and violent protests, all art taking place in Egypt , but the state-controlled media never comment or publish such aspects.

Nowadays, the situation is different; such aspects and events are widely known. All what you need to know about them is to read an independent newspaper or a blogg or to watch the space channels.

No one is above criticism, and no more government secrets, all now are known. Executioners are no longer free to chastise people and go with impunity. Young journalists and bloggers are there to write, criticize and record shootings.

The slogan of “Every thing is OK in Egypt ” is changed to be “ Egypt is not well, let us expose this to find a treatment”.

 http://openarab.net/en/reports/opinion/opinion2.shtml

On bloggers in Egypt, from the LA Times. الحرية هي حرية الكلام

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-blogger8feb08,0,1169678.story?track=ntothtml

لماذا نحن بحاجة الى الحقيقة

Some ask why blog.  What does it matter?

Here is a powerful answer from Fouad Farhan, a Saudi who was recently arrested and apparently for his writings on the Internet.

Why Do We Blog?1. Because we believe we have opinions that deserve to be heard, and minds that should be respected.2. Because societies do not progress until they learn to respect opinions of their members. And we would like to see our society progressing.3. Because blogging is our only option. We do not have a free media, and freedom to assemble is not allowed.4. Because we want to discuss our opinions.5. Because we think.6. Because we care.7. Because blogging has had a positive effect on other societies and we want to see the same result in our society.8. Because blogging is a reflection of the life of society members. And we are alive.9. Because blogging is gaining increasing attention from media and governments. We want them to listen to us.10. Because we are not scared.11. Because we reject the cattle mentality.12. Because we welcome diversity of opinions.13. Because the country is for all, and we are part of it.14. Because we want to reach out to everyone.15. Because we refuse to be an “echo”.16. Because we are not any less than bloggers in other societies.17. Because we seek the truth.18. Because our religion encourages us to speak out.19. Because we are sick and tired of the Saudi media hypocrisy.20. Because we are positive.21. Because blogging is a powerful tool that can benefit society.22. Because we are affected and we can affect.23. Because we love our country.24. Because we enjoy dialogue and don’t run away from it.25. Because we are sincere. 

Living with the red lines تعيش مع الخطوط الحمراء

 Can you tell the truth in little parts at a time? Can you cut the news into little pieces and hand them out one at a time? Maybe yes. Maybe there is no other other way in the Arab world? What do you think? I wonder if there is a way in between silence and confrontation? Here are the words of one editor at a recent Arab Press conference in Beirut.  ”You cannot be revolutionary, you have to be evolutionary,” said Mohamed Alayyan, Publisher of Al Ghad, the largest independent newspaper in Jordan and the second largest overall. “You can’t say, ’I’m going to turn the tables’, because it won’t get you anywhere and may get you into jail. It is important to adapt and you have to keep pushing the envelope slowly to get to your goal, to get to — if there is such a thing — absolute freedom of speech.” 

كلنا صحافيون —-We are all journalists

Those of us who care about truth, who care about the freedom to tell the truth, we are all journalists. It doesn’t matter if you are by yourself or you are with many. If you are commited to this, you can only do your best.

This belongs belong to you and all those who care and work for freedom of expression in the Arab world. Please make it your resource. And because I am no longer in the Arab world, I cannot see and feel and write about what you know everyday. And so, I welcome you to share  your thoughts here about journalism in the Arab world. I will post your words and hopefully we can continue to share.

shukran, steve

There are only free journalists ليست هناك سوى صحفيين الاحرار

For a reminder about what freedom means to the press, read the record of this conference in Beirut in December 2006: http://www.wan-press.org/tueni_award/articles.php?id=663#2

What the press and journalists have suffered in Lebanon is the history of the country and its citizens — it cannot be treated separately, said Mr Hamadé. “Talking about freedom for the press is talking about the rights of citizens at all levels,” he said.   Tyranny, injustice, occupation, dictators, restrictions, lawsuits, murders, maiming, newspaper offices invaded, civil war — the Lebanese press has seen it all. Fifty years ago, in 1958, the killing of Nassib Matni, owner of At Talagraph, sparked one civil conflict. In the 1960s, agents of Lebanese intelligence targeted and killed journalists. During the civil wars, which lasted more than 17 years, many journalists had to leave Lebanon, while others were murdered.”Today, when we talk about (assassinated journalists) Gebran Tueni and Samir Kassir, we cannot forget this history,” said Mr Hamadé. “Gebran Tueni knew the war that our newspaper was going through. He was challenging the state, government, intelligence, for the freedom of his country.”Mr Hamadé had this to say about the Lebanese press:1. The battle of the press is not a battle of one professional sector isolated from the main battles of the country — the problems of the country are causing the problems in the media profession.2. The difficulties facing the Lebanese press take on many forms. For example, economic difficulties, as when advertising was prohibited in the 1970s.3. Death threats — both those that are carried out and those that are not, but still have an impact on reporting. “We still have many in the Lebanese press who don’t fear anything,” said Mr Hamadé. “They remember the values of the press — transparency, the search for truth, autonomy.”4. There are no free newspapers, only free journalists. Newspapers are free because of the values carried by their journalists.5. Despite all the attacks, the Lebanese press “is still strong against the powers that want it to go backwards.”Alia Talib, Media Specialist, IraqBeing a journalist in Iraq is dangerous. Being a woman journalist is even worse.If a woman fails to wear a veil, she might be killed. If she is kidnapped, and released, she risks being killed by her own family for bringing dishonour to them, said Ms Talib.Women journalists are paid less than men and they do not receive maternity leave or any other benefits.For journalists in general — men and women alike — journalism is a deadly profession in Iraq. “I can tell you that a journalist who works is the main media is a target,” said Ms Talib.Local journalists are sent into this environment with insufficient training to assess the dangers, said Ms Talib.”In general, there is no immunity, no protection for women or men. They do not receive protection. In Iraq, there is no compensation if you are injured.”Journalists, in short, are “disposable.”The solution? “Financially independent newspapers where journalists will work without favour. But they are weak because they don’t have enough money.”Abdlerahim K. Abdallah, Journalism Unit Director, Media Institute/Birzeit University, PalestineIsrael says it believes in a free press, but the situation changes when it comes to Palestinian media, said Mr Abdallah.He said the situation for Palestinian journalists improved after the Oslo agreements, but deteriorated after the intifada. Palestinian journalists are targeted in three ways:1. Simply for being a journalist. A dozen have been killed in recent years simply for being journalists, and Palestinian radio and TV headquarters have been bombed, he said.2. Israeli authorities frequently refuse to recognise that a Palestinian has the right to be a journalist.3. Palestinian journalists are targeted specifically because they write something that displeases the Israeli authorities.”The greatest problem, however, is no freedom of movement,” said Mr Abdallah. “I live near Nablus, we are surrounded by a wall. The gate opens from 6 am to 8 am and you have to work during those two hours. It is difficult to move from one area to another. The presence of Israeli forces is a major problem because they don’t recognise your press card.”But Israeli occupation isn’t the only problem. “There is another problem — the lack of security and the chaos that violate the right to publish and the right to exercise the profession of journalism,” said Mr Abdallah. “Arrests and detention are among the main dangers — dozens are arrested every day. “Jamal Amer, Editor-in-chief, Al Wasat, Yemen“Arab rulers, regardless of their differences, agree on one thing, and that is the way they regard the Arab press — all of them consider it their sworn enemy,” said Mr Amer.In Yemen, journalists have a lot of freedom to practice their profession, “but there are other means of oppression — there is no legal framework. We have a dozen legal loopholes that are traps for journalists” he said.For example, the press cannot criticise the president or other public figures, and “elastic” laws can lead to prison sentences of up to one year.There are other means of oppression as well — physical aggression, false accusations of being foreign agents or traitors, or of consuming alcohol or drugs, and even kidnappings. And the state is not the only oppressor tribal leaders can send people to attack journalists without fear or prosecution, he said.Mr Amer was abducted from his own home on 23 August 2005 following an article in which his newspaper revealed that relatives of the president received scholarships that were meant for other students.Mr Amer was threatened and forced to “confess” that he was a US agent and was told never to write critically about the government. The threats included the threat of sexually abusing his children, he said.”The hope is very dim for practicing journalism without danger as long as we have laws restricting freedom of the press,” he said. “We must change the laws and promote the press. We must work with international organisations that promote freedom.“We should have conferences that highlight violations of the press and issue recommendations, and we should call on the United Nations to play a role in implementing Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We must consider that attacking journalists is an international cause, regardless of the nationality of the journalist. We should let everyone know what is going on.”