What I remember first is blood.

It wasn’t everywhere and it was only one day when I went searching in Iraqi hospitals for colleagues badly hurt in a blast that is stuck in my mind’s eye. A door swung open in one hospital and there was blood everywhere.

On the floor. On the walls. On the beds. And there didn’t seem anything else but blood. Or at least I couldn’t focus otherwise.

But that’s not what I talked about when I talked about Iraq the other day at a presentation on the Iraq war at the MCA, an exhibit that is amazingly brilliant for its reliance on dozens of people to sit and tell their stories one at a time, day after day: soldiers and refugees and anti-war activists and scholars and physicians.

I talked about the Iraqi psychiatrist in Baghdad who told me how Iraqis were too numb to feel because of all they had suffered and this was in the early days after the U.S. led invasion. I talked about the fear I remember seeing on the face of young soldiers headed out on patrols and how one night at a military hospital a young soldier waiting to hear what happened to a pal said he wished he got hit too so his waiting would be over. And I talked about the smothering oppression in the Saddam years and how I met people digging up mass graves and families searching for lost friends or relatives and people who had spent years in prisons for the slightest disregard to the former regime.

There was so much to say and I seem to have said so little and I wanted to say more. In the days to come folks will sit, as I did, on a couch in the middle of the very modest exhibit, drink tea and nibble on Middle Eastern sweets and talk about what they know from their time in Iraq or from their contact with those of us touched by Iraq: a VA hospital psychologist, soldiers who have fought in Iraq, Major L. Tammy Duckworth (Nov.7) who is now an assistant secretary with the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, artists, anti-war activists, human rights experts, and Iraqis from Chicago and its long-established Iraqi community, some new arrivals and some passing through. Some of the sessions will also be Arabic. In so many ways this too is a Chicago story.

The picture up below is of the cafe in  Muntabbi street, a street of booksellers, a revered place for Iraqis who sought books banned by the old regime, and a place the exhibit commemorates with the wreckage of a car blown up in an attack there. A place where I bought a caligraphy of great art work and lovely meaning from the Koran from a well-known caligrapher who was killed in a random attack some time after. The exhibit runs until Nov.15

click here to learn about the exhibit at the MCA:

http://tinyurl.com/yfm5pwk mutanabbi

salaam, Stephen

this is about the exhibit too; http://conversationsaboutiraq.org/interviews.php#esam

Cairo – Heat. Endless Heat. It hangs in the trees. It hangs on the shoulders of the man carrying a heavy  pack on his back. It hangs on the dogs sleeping.

Heat and dust that does not move, that seems glued in place and that is waiting for the wind to carry it away. Heat that does not go away. Heat that does not belong here and now. Heat that exhausts the exhausted.

No breeze here in Giza. No breeze here downtown. Nothing stirs in Bulak and Zamalek and on and on.

The sun sets and the Nile’s admirers gather, seeking haven.

Crunched together on the bridges, standing in the few dark places along the Corniche, stetched out on the tired grass, sprawled alone on benches, hunched over in bunches, tensely waiting on benches, couples talking, staring, wondering, waiting, hoping, thinking, sleeping, smiling, crying, they are waiting for the wind that they hope will flow through them. The wind that they think will refresh and give them a new spirit.

Heat. No relief

cairohot

http://www.almasryonline.com/portal/page/portal/MasryPortal/ARTICLE_EN?itId=UG107191&pId=UG14&pType=1

My thinking on writing about freedom of the press is that it should be normal and regular and remind people that without freedom of the press there really is no news media worth the attention. It needs to be fair and complete and to tell stories that give histories – stories that put countries and eras into context. Why does it matter that some people care in the Middle East about freedom of the press? That is the journalist’s job to explain.  The reason needs to be explained and repeated and expanded every time a story is written, and every time there needs to be a sense of who is accountable.

Consider this story from al Masry al Youm

Here is a column by Alaa al Aswany written for the Los Angeles Times. A reminder of the power of words.

Opinion

The justifications of the torturer

A discussion with an Egyptian State Security officer raises questions and suggests a few answers.

By Alaa Al-Aswany

May 31, 2009

Writing From Cairo —

Some years ago, I was invited to a relative’s wedding, and at the wedding, I sat next to one of the bridegroom’s relatives. He introduced himself to me by saying: “My name is such-and-such, police officer.”

The man was in his 40s, very elegant, polite and quiet. I noticed a prayer mark on his forehead. We exchanged the usual pleasantries, and I asked him, “In which department do you work?”

He hesitated for a second, then he replied: “State Security.”

We both kept silent, and he turned his face away from me and started to watch the other guests. My mind was torn between two conflicting options: Should I resume the previous polite conversation, or should I express my opinion candidly on the State Security Investigations department? In the end, I couldn’t help but challenge him, and I will reconstruct the conversation that followed to the best of my ability:

“Excuse me. You are religious, it seems,” I said.

“Thank God.”

“Don’t you see any contradiction between being religious and working in State Security?”

“Where would the contradiction arise?”

“People detained by State Security are beaten, tortured and raped, though all religions prohibit such practices.”

He started to get emotional and said: “First, those who are beaten deserve to be beaten. Second, if you study your religion thoroughly, you will find that what we do in the State Security department is fully compatible with Islamic teachings.”

“But Islam is a religion that safeguards human dignity.”

“That’s a generalization. I have read Islamic jurisprudence, and I am well aware of its provisions.”

“There’s nothing in Islamic jurisprudence that makes it legitimate to torture people.”

“Listen to me until I finish, please. Islam has nothing to do with democracy or elections. Obedience to a Muslim ruler is a duty for his subjects, even if he has usurped power, is corrupt or unjust. Do you know how Islam punishes those who rebel against their rulers?”

I kept silent.

He continued enthusiastically: “They face the haraba punishment, which is amputation of the left hand and the right foot. All those we detain at State Security have rebelled against the ruler, and by Islamic law we should cut off their limbs, but we do not do this. What we do is much less than the Islamic punishment.”

Our discussion went on for a long time. I told him that Islam was revealed essentially to defend truth, justice and freedom. I said that the haraba punishment was applicable only to armed groups that kill innocent people, steal their money or rape them. It should by no means be applied to Egyptian political dissidents.

He remained insistent on his opinion and ended the discussion by saying: “This is my understanding of Islam. I am convinced of it, and I will not change it. I will be responsible for it before God.”

After I left the wedding, I asked myself how this educated and intelligent officer could be convinced of such an erroneous interpretation of Islam. How did he extract from Islam such perverted ideas? How could he imagine for one moment that God approves of us torturing people? These questions remained without answers until, some months later, I read a paper titled “The Psychology of the Executioner.”

In it, the researcher argued that torturers can be divided into two groups. The first group are psychopaths, who behave aggressively without any moral restraints. The second group — and these are the majority — is made up of ordinary men who are psychologically normal and who, once they leave work, are upright and lovable, with good morals.

But to be able to torture people, two conditions are indispensable: submission and justification. Submission means the police officer carries out the torture in response to orders from his superior and convinces himself that he is compelled to obey. Justification comes about when the officer convinces himself that torture is ethically and religiously legitimate, usually because he believes his victims to be agents of the enemy or enemies of the nation, infidels or criminals. In his mind, that justifies torturing them to protect society and the country. Without this justification, the police officer would not be able to continue torturing his victims because, at some point, he would be unable to cope with his pangs of conscience.

I remembered this when I heard about the arrest in April of two university students, Omnia Taha and Sarah Mohammed Rezq. Campus security at Kafr El Sheikh University in the Nile Delta arrested the two young women and handed them over to State Security because they had incited their colleagues to go on strike. The prosecution accused them of plotting to overthrow the government and ordered that they be remanded in custody for 15 days for questioning. But honestly, how could two women less than 20 years old try to overthrow President Hosni Mubarak’s regime simply by talking to their colleagues?

Moreover, calling for a strike is not in itself a crime because Egypt has signed dozens of international conventions recognizing the right to strike as one of the basic rights of Egyptians. But what is really saddening is that I learned from colleagues of the two girls that at State Security they were violently beaten and tortured and that the man who beat them and ripped off their clothes was a senior officer. It’s not so terribly surprising — bloggers, leftists and Islamic activists are all arrested and tortured on a routine basis in Egypt, often spending years in prison without being charged — but it’s horrifying nevertheless.

How could a police officer, who was probably a husband and a father, beat with such brutality a student so like his own daughters? How could he face his conscience and look his wife and children in the eye? Didn’t this senior officer feel ashamed of himself as he beat a young woman who could not even defend herself?

As President Obama prepares for his trip to Egypt this week, the Mubarak regime is facing unprecedented waves of social protest because life here has become intolerable for millions of Egyptians, who now have no choice but to take to the streets to proclaim their demand for a life fit for humans. Today, between 40% and 50% of Egyptians live below the poverty line; Egypt has become two different countries — one for the poor and one for the rich.

As for the regime, it is now completely incapable of serious reform, so it pushes the police to confront, repress and torture people, overlooking the simple and important fact that police officers are, first and foremost, Egyptian citizens and that what applies to Egyptians in general applies to them too. Most of them suffer in the same way as other Egyptians.

I often recall the discussion I had with the State Security officer at the wedding. And I reflect that a political system that relies for its survival on repression always fails to see that the apparatus of repression, however mighty it may be, must be operated by individuals who are part of society and whose interests and opinions generally conform with those of the rest of the population. As repression increases, a day will come when those individuals can no longer justify to themselves the crimes they are committing against people. At that point the regime will lose its power to repress and will meet the fate it deserves. I believe that we in Egypt are approaching that day.

Alaa Al-Aswany is the author of the novels “The Yacoubian Building” and “Chicago.”

 http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/commentary/la-oe-aswani31-2009may31,0,7554043.story

Here is an Arabic translation:

http://tortureinegypt.net/alaswany-justification-of-torture

“What will you say when you go home about Saudi journalists,” Leila asks at the end of our class. Her question is a gift. Yani, kismet, too.

She is the only woman and a very smart journalist.  She thinks like a journalist, looking ahead, figuring where the news, the scene, the human situation, the reality will take you next and is preparing her thinking to do so.

I’ve been thinking how to end our session and this is the perfect doorway. I want to leave them with hope and I want also to say how much some of them have moved me. Their determination to learn, to do a better job, and to make journalism more respected than it is today in Saudi Arabia.

So, I tell her that the journalists I have met in the last few days are very different from those I met nearly twenty years ago when I wandered across the Kingdom meeting journalists.

You are braver today, I say. You take on more challenges. You know more about our profession. You know our rules. You and I may come from very different cultures but we share the same professional standards. We care about what is right and true and our responsibilities as journalists.

But you tell me also that you face great challenges. Your pay is low and your training is barely enough to let you get started. You have few specialized reporters and far too many of you work part-time. Your profession doesn’t get the respect it deserves and so many do this work part-time because that is enough to do it.

You say many of your bosses often do not understand you or nurture you or know how to make you do your best. You face red lines where there are no red lines and red lines where there shouldn’t be any. You know what I mean.

I hear all of this from you and yet I’m optimistic. I see a difference. And you have no choice but to do better. No choice.

Every so often you read something in a newspaper that takes your breath away. It connects with its readers. It captures a reality they feel deep down. It moves them. It raises their eyes to a larger horizon. This is when the news media soars andwhen it is so needed and so importantly. Here is a translation of a column by Magdy al Gallad of al Masry al Youm newspaper. Read the Arabic as well.

 By   Magdi al-Gallad    5/ 4/ 2009

 

I am sympathetic with the April 6 Youth Movement in its attempts to search for a way out of the current situation in Egypt. However, I think its call for the annual strike has no big hope or feasibility.

Perhaps, this is because the change could not be achieved by an annual “Day” in which we celebrate saying “No” or perhaps because the strike will turn – year after a year – into a “repeated confrontation” between “excellent students” raising banners against the ruling regime, and “excellent young men” wearing security uniforms to arrest scores of protestors under strict orders.

The two parties are Egyptian and some of them may be living in the same home!
 
This is not a disincentive to the demonstrators and the protesters, who do their best to stage their all-out strike. It is not also despair at resisting a regime, which is used to hear nothing but its voice, see nothing but its images and feel nothing but its personal features.

But I mean to call on those young people to open new windows of hope away from the regime and the government’s inactivity. This hope will never turn into fact without grouping up the young people’s ranks around a great dream to be imposed on the ruling regime!

We will clearly see this dream in lost eyes looking for inspiration to take them out of despair and alienation. It is the same dream that lives in strong arms that have not been used till now.
 
Immediately after getting out from a large supermarket late at night, a young man and his pregnant wife said: “We want to sit with you for a short time”. I tried to apologize because it was late and I was tired at the end of the day, but they insisted. We sat in a café and drank hot tea.

He started to talk about Egypt, which no longer has a single image. He surprised me and said: “I wish I could feel Egypt as my father used to tell me about.

He was speaking about it proudly. He used to say that Egypt will stay even if everything else was lost. If our dream turned into a nightmare, we will try again. My son you should know that Egypt is stronger than any force in the world. It will not be defeated either by external enemy or occupation.”
 
The young man, who did not exceed 28 years, stopped talking and looked to his wife and said: “We got married for love in a time of internal colonization. We talk a lot with our friends about the past, the present and the future.

We do not know which Egypt we love. Is it Egypt that was ruled by corruption and tyranny or Egypt we see at Deweika or Egypt that is “raped” in resorts and nightclubs or Egypt that is lost in the eyes of the unemployed young people in cafes and “dens of drugs? We missed Egypt too much and we want to leave no stone unturned to turn it into the best country in the world!
 
After that the wife said: “He and I graduated from the Faculty of Engineering. We are working day and night to get food. We have ideas, but no one pays attention to them. We’ve turned to employees in merciless jobs that kill our creativity. In addition, I have concerns over the future of my would-be child because the future of Egypt is gloomy.”

How could I ask my child to study hard to be an excellent student? I studied and became an engineer, but I live at the bottom rung of society! How could I ask him to be good in a time in which everything has turned upside down and good people have become corrupt? How could I teach him values, which have no place in the age of the valueless?

They said painful words, but before leaving they said: “We want hope and a way to lead us to Egypt, which has left and hasn’t returned!”

To the Youth of April: Find this couple and start together, but from where will you start? That is the question we should both be looking to answer!

http://www.almasry-alyoum.com/article2.aspx?ArticleID=205757

What is the price of saying what you think online? IN some countries it means prison and for some people, it means death. Here are accounts of a young Iranian blogger who the government says took his own life, and whose family says just the oppposite.

http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/101823/

http://www.internationalpen.org.uk/index.cfm?objectid=3D2BF6F3-3048-676E-268CF7BFBFEF9FB0

from a human rights activist in Farsi

http://hra-iran.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=731:254&catid=143:107&Itemid=201

the same report in English:

http://hra-iran.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=761:351&catid=66:304&Itemid=293

2694309

The pay is miserable. The dangers are great. Dangers from the known and the unknown, dangers from passing the red lines and the lines unseen. The material rewards are seemingly few. And the burdens – the daily burdens are endlessly exhausting, frustrating, suffocating – endlessly.

In all the world, journalists press on against terrible challenges, or challenges that are not so great. Yet challenges that others refuse to face. It’s a tormenting challenge that sometimes overcomes journalists. I was talking recently to an Egyptian journalist in Cairo who is doing incredibly important investigative work, but who was exposing herself and her family to great dangers in getting the story.

This is the problem, I suggested. You need to do your work. You need to be clear and need to give all the facts so that you are credible and you will certainly have an impact. But you need to protect yourself and others, so you can continue to do your work again and again and so those close to you, and those who reply upon you will not suffer. I cannot say that enough.

Yet sometimes the decision is not so clear or simple. Think of all of those journalists who have been silenced.

These are the last words of a Sri Lankan editor who was murdered recently – I cannot recall as profound and moving a statement from a journalist about why some of us struggle on in the name of freedom. He wrote:

people often ask me why I take such risks and tell me it is a matter of time before I am bumped off. Of course I know that: it is inevitable. But if we do not speak out now, there will be no one left to speak for those who cannot, whether they be ethnic minorities, the disadvantaged or the persecuted.”

And he ended his column, his last one, saying:

“Let there be no doubt that whatever sacrifices we journalists make, they are not made for our own glory or enrichment: they are made for you. Whether you deserve their sacrifice is another matter. As for me, God knows I tried.”

http://www.thesundayleader.lk/20090111/editorial-.htm

http://www.thesundayleader.lk/20090111/REVIEW.HTM

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/jan/13/praise-lasantha-wickrematunge

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-srilanka-journalists1-2009mar01,0,2922825.story

 

Here is the annual report from the International Federation on Journalists on the dangers and deaths faced by journalists in 2008

http://www.ifj.org/assets/docs/051/091/eb26233-523985b.pdf

This is a review of a play about the impact of covering war on journalists-in this case the war in Iraq and U.S. journalists.

But it could be about anyone who faces these realities.

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/14/theater/reviews/14time.html?ref=arts

On the detention of an Egyptian blogger

http://www.reuters.com/article/latestCrisis/idUSL3192301

         الدليل الأساسي

ستيفن فرانكلين

1.      يجب أن نبدأ الخبر بقصة يغلب عليها الطابع البشري. هذه القصة هي ما تربط الحقائق بالمشاعر.

ماذا عن هؤلاء الذين فقدوا مدخراتهم وخسروا أعمالهم؟ قليلة هي  الأخبار التي تبدأ \ بقصص عن هؤلاء الأشخاص.

أسئلة

ماذا عن هؤلاء الذين فقدوا وظائفهم وتم تسريحهم؟ كيف يمكنك أن تضفي الطابع المحلي على فقدان الوظائف؟ ما هي المجتمعات الأكثر تأثراً، والصناعات، ما هو نوع العمالة – هل هم من المهنيين أم من عمال المصانع أم العاملين في مجال الخدمات؟

وماذا عن هؤلاء الذين تأجلت خططهم المهنية فجأة ودون سابق إنذار؟

إذا قمنا بزيارة إلى السوق، والمتاجر حيث يشتري الناس البضائع المختلفة، ما الذي ستعرفه عن الاقتصاد؟ هل يمكنك أن تصنع إطاراً لخبرك من خلال ذهابك إلى المكان الذي يلمس فيه الاقتصاد حياة الناس؟ كيف يمكن لزيارتك أن تختلف عما يكتبه الخبراء أو يقولونه؟

2.      في الكثير من البلدان، تعتبر الأموال التي يرسلها العمال في الخارج إلى أسرهم من خلال الحوالات من العوامل الجوهرية في الاقتصاد القومي.

أسئلة

هل انخفض تدفق الأموال الآتية من خارج البلاد؟

من تأثر  من جراء خسارة هذه الأموال؟

هل انخفض عدد الأشخاص الذين يسافرون للعمل في الخارج، وهل تغير هذا النمط؟ ما هي الفئة المقبلة على السفر؟ ولماذا؟

هل تزايد عدد الأشخاص الذي يبحثون عن فرص عمل خارج البلاد؟

إذن، يجب أن نتحدث عن واقع الأسواق ذاتها.

أسئلة

إلى أي درجة كانت هذه الأسواق تتمتع بالحماية اللازمة لمواجهة مثل هذه الانهيارات؟  

إلى أي درجة تتوافر الشفافية حتى يتسنى للمستثمرين معرفة فيما تستثمر أموالهم، ومدى استقرار الأسواق، وكيف تعمل الأسواق اليوم في العالم العربي؟ ما هو وضع الشفافية في البورصة وبالنسبة للشركات؟

إلى أي  درجة ترتبط الأزمة المالية في العالم العربي بالاستثمارات الأجنبية عالية المخاطر، والمقامرات المالية المشكوك فيها، والاعتماد على النصائح الخاطئة لمواجهة الأزمة؟

كيف تغيرت البورصات خلال العقد الماضي في العالم العربي؟ ما هي الأدوات الاستثمارية الجديدة التي بدأت الشركات والمستثمرين في استخدامها؟

ما هو الدور الذي لعبته الاستثمارات في الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية وأوروبا في خلق وضع اقتصادي غير مستقر؟

3.      العولمة

أسئلة

ما هو تأثير الشركات الأجنبية على الاقتصاد؟  

هل قامت تلك الشركات بالمساهمة في استقرار الوضع الاقتصادي؟ وكيف كان للاقتصاد أن يتعامل مع الأزمة في حالة وجود عدد أقل من الشركات الأجنبية؟  

هل هناك نمط سلوكي معين متبع بين الشركات في هذا الموقف؟ بمعني، هل تقوم هذه الشركات بتحويل أنشطة أعمالها من دولة إلى أخرى؟ وما هي الإستراتيجيات التي تتبعها هذه الشركات؟

إلى أي مدى تتأثر البلدان العربية بالاقتصاد العالمي الآن؟ وأي منها الأكثر تأثراً؟

ما هو الأثر الذي ستخلفه الأزمة المالية على خطط هذه الشركات في المستقبل بالنسبة للدول العربية؟ ما هو الدور الذي يلعبه الاستثمار الأجنبي في قدرة العالم العربي على حماية نفسه؟

4.      التطلع إلى المستقبل


أسئلة

ما الذي يعنيه الانهيار في أسعار النفط للمنطقة، ولكل دولة على حدة وللشركات والاقتصادات وعلى الصعيد السياسي؟

نحتاج إلى تفاصيل بشأن نظرة الحكومات والمستثمرين إلى المستقبل. هل كان هذا الانهيار متوقعاً؟ إذا لم تعد أسعار النفط إلى أعلى معدلاتها، ما الذي سيحدث بعد ذلك للبلدان التي تعتمد اقتصاداتها على النفط؟ ما الدور الذي سيلعبه الغاز في الاقتصادات العربية؟

وماذا عن مقارنة الإستراتيجيات المالية للدول المختلفة التي تأثرت بالأزمة الاقتصادية؟ ما هي الدول التي وفرت الحماية اللازمة لبورصاتها، وخفضت أسعار الفائدة، ودعمت البنوك؟ هل اختلفت النتائج؟ 

كيف تباين التأثير على الدول الفقيرة والغنية في الشرق الأوسط؟ كيف أثر ارتفاع أسعار الغذاء والوقود على البلدان الأقل ثراءً؟ ما هو التأثير الذي خلفته الأزمة على الفلاحين وأسعار الغذاء؟

            هذه العناصر الخبرية يجب أن مترابطة وتتماشى مع السياق العام.

إذا شهد السوق انخفاضاً حاداً في الأسعار، كم كان هذا الانخفاض في الستة أشهر الماضية، وفي العام الماضي؟ ما هو حجم الدين العام الذي تأثر بهذه الخسائر؟

كيف تأثرت الأجور وتكاليف المعيشة وأساسيات الحياة؟ ما هي آخر الإحصائيات الخاصة بمعدلات البطالة؟ كيف تأثرت الضرائب والعوائد؟ ما هي مصادر الدخل مثل السياحة وغيرها من دعائم الاقتصاد التي تدهورت في ظل الأزمة؟ 

إذا لم تتمكن من الحصول على هذه الأرقام أو غيرها بسهولة من المسئولين بالحكومة، فما هي المصادر الأخرى التي تتيح مثل هذه البيانات؟ من الخبراء الأكاديميين والمنظمات الخاصة والمؤسسات البحثية والهيئات الدولية؟

ضع قائمة يمكنك الاعتماد عليها وبمواعيد التسليم الخاصة بالأخبار ومتابعتها وبالمشروعات قصيرة وطويلة الأجل؟ وبمناسبة المشروعات، ما هي الأخبار الاقتصادية التي حدثت اليوم والتي تعتقد أنه يمكنك متابعتها لمدة عام من تاريخ اليوم؟

اجعل أخبارك وتحليلاتك تتصف بالإنسانية والقوة وتتماشي مع السياق.

ما هو وجه الاختلاف بين الوقت الحاضر، وعام مضي، أو خمسة أو عشرة أعوام ماضية؟ ارسم صورة للاقتصاد من القمة إلى حيث تشتري الخبز وتملأ سياراتك بالبنزين. هل هناك علاقة بين ما يقوله مسئولو الحكومة وطريقة عمل الاقتصاد المحلي وما يعتقده المواطنون؟

استخدم الأرقام والرسومات البيانية لتحويل الأرقام إلى واقع، ومن ثم يضعها القراء في سياقها المناسب. أين يمكنك العثور على الأرقام والرسومات  البيانية التي يمكنك الاستعانة بها؟

 

The pictures. The sounds. The rhythm of news and the ratatatt of people speaking from all over the Arab world; some analysis, much more emotion, more much speechifying.

The sense of bringing you there and of them being there, of a reporter standing up in the darkness or daylight in front of a live and dangerous background, of their breathless delivering of breaking news, of staring at masses in city after cityshouting, marching and getting caught up in the wave, and then the slow stumble into what it means though it all remains a fog as bleery as any other in days to come. But all within hours of the start of the news.

If there was any doubt about the power of Arab satellite television, the crisis in Gaza is the end, and yet another warning for newspapers across the Arab world. A warning they cannot ignore. They cannot capture the news as immediately as before. But what they can do is to use their websites to tell the news immediately, and then their pages to tell stories in detail and offer explanations and to capture in photographs the moments of humanity that can only be preserved in the well considered photo.

The newspapers that used their news pages to capture the history of the moment, al Hayat among them, rose to the occasion. With all of its sources, al Jazeera captured the moment and captured the masses who then became the news that the newspapers wrote about the next day.

Cairo-

The disconnect between coverage of Gaza in the West and Arab world-a very good overview

http://www.arabmediasociety.com/?article=698

On coverage — from the Guardian

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/dec/31/israelandthepalestinians-middleeast1

on coverage – from al Ghad – in Arabic

http://www.alghad.jo/?article=11632–in Arabic

from al Jazeera, on the Western media’s coverage of Gaza

http://english.aljazeera.net/focus/war_on_gaza/2009/01/20091585448204690.html

on al Jazeera in Arabic – an article I wrote for CJR online

http://www.cjr.org/campaign_desk/the_rage_will_be_televised.php

http://www.latimes.com/news/education/la-fg-arab-media8-2009jan08,0,1236090.story

http://www.cjr.org/campaign_desk/what_the_red_cross_sees_the_me.php

http://www.cjr.org/campaign_desk/war_of_the_words.php

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/jan/07/gaza-america-media

http://tyndallreport.com/comment/20/3556

http://andrewsullivan.theatlantic.com/the_daily_dish/2008/12/israel-gaza-rea.html

see the blogs from gaza listed on the left

al jazeera in English on Gaza

http://labs.aljazeera.net/warongaza/

on al jazeera in English from the New York Times

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/12/business/media/12jazeera.html?th&emc=th

praise for an al Jazeera in English correspondent in Gaza, from Haaretz

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1054282.html

On the problems facing the foreign press in covering Gaza, from the Guardian

http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2009/jan/14/media-frustrated-over-gaza

on al Arabiya’s coverage 

http://www.elaph.com/Web/NewsPapers/2009/1/400395.htm


 

 

Crossing Cairo – Night-time and the taxi driver, peering at the talled traffic ahead, lights a cigarette, apologizes and says he needs it. He says he is tired.

“Why. A lot work?”

“I work two jobs.”

“Why two?

“Because my day-job with a company is not enough. Not any more. I drive here six, seven night a week and it is still not enough.”

“What do you mean?”

“I cannot pay my bills. I cannot buy meat more than once a week. A year ago it was better. Two years ago even better. Now nothing. Nothing. I work and I have nothing. I work and three of us at home work. And what, what is there to show? Nothing. And I am tired.”

Rumbling forward in fits in his small ramshackle, time-weary taxi-antique, I glance over in the dim lighting at the middle-aged driver with a deep furrow across his forehead, a thin balding man who swims in the old wrinkled grey sport-coat he is wearing, and I wonder.

Why don’t I read about him and all the others who are struggling here and across the Middle East? Where are the stories about people whose small businesses have collapsed, who have lost their gambles on stock markets that vanished like sand coming across the desert? As of today, stock markets across the Middle East have lost half of their value in only a few months.

Where are the stories about the university graduates working in the local stories so they can get by; the stories about the young middle-class workers whose savings disappeared when the inflation roared up to 20 percent and who could no longer pay their bills? About the workers sent home from lucrative jobs elsewhere?

I don’t see them day in and day out in the newspaper or on the television. I don’t see any word about them except when there are explosions of despair: marches or strikes and when a government official says as bad as it seems things will get better. When? And how? This is what I am looking for in the newspaper, but it is not there.

But it is here in the Cairo night, stalled and going nowhere.

أنت مواطن صحفي

on citizen journalism – a guide

http://sharek.aljazeera.net/

On reporting by the Yemen Times – a brave level of reporting

http://community-en.menassat.com/forum/topics/arab-media-to-lead-or-to

a column by Mona Eltahawy on Gaza

http://www.dailystaregypt.com/article.aspx?ArticleID=18767

on Iraqi refugees

http://pulitzercenter.org/showproject.cfm?id=75

A fascinating video on bloggers in Iran

http://www.rottengods.com/2009/01/iranian-bloggers-new-nation-on-web.html

On bloggers and freedom of speech in Egypt by the New York Times correspondent

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/18/world/middleeast/18egypt.html?_r=2

On freedom of the press and satellite television from the Committee to Protect Journalists

http://cpj.org/2009/02/satellite-tv-middle-east.php

From a blogger arrested and released in Egypt;

http://tabulagaza.wordpress.com/

Here’s a very detailed look at the Arab blogosphere. Do you agree with it?

http://cyber.law.harvard.edu/sites/cyber.law.harvard.edu/files/Mapping_the_Arabic_Blogosphere_0.pdf

 

Traveling in Qatar – Kuwait – Emirates – Saudi Arabia:

The charts are the same – oil’s collapsing price, stock markets’ collapsing values. The photos are the same: frustrated traders, worried leaders of stock markets. But some reporting is missing.

First there is the human story, the story that connects facts with feelings.

What about those who have lost their savings, their businesses? Few stories begin with the tales of these people. What about those who jobs have been cut? The workers who have to return home, or who can nolonger send home as much as they once did. And what about those whose career plans have suddenly been put on hold?

Then we need to talk about the the reality of the markets themselves. How well were they protected against such crashes? How much transparency exists so that investors knew where their funds were going, and how markets operate today in the Arab world? How much of the Arab world’s financial slide is linked to risky foreign investments, questionable financial gambles, dependence on advice that was blown away by the crisis?

Then we need to look ahead. What does the collapse in oil prices mean for the region, for each country, for businesses, for economies, for politics? We need details on how governments and investors are looking ahead. Was this collapse anticipated? And if if oil never returns to the mountaintop of prices, what will come next for those countries that counted on it?  And how about a comparison of the financial strategies of each country touched by the economic quiksand?

And lastly, the stories need to be pertinent and in context. If there’s been a market swoon, how much in the last six month, in the last year? How much of the nation’s debt is impacted by the losses? How have wages,the costs of l iving, the basic things of life been impacted. Make the stories and anlaysis humane, and compelling and draw the picture of the economy all the way from the top down to the store where you buy your bread.

Use number and charts to make the numbers real and then people and then put it all into context so that it matters.

 

These are the stories that need to told, and they way they might be.

An interesting debate. What do you think? A 45-minute video

http://www.motionbox.com/videos/a098dab41917e828

from the Columbia Journalism Review

The Hunger

Egypt’s bloggers want to be journalists

By Stephen Franklin

Sandmonkey was determined to quit his blog. Sniping away at life and politics in Egypt had become too risky, he said, even under the cover of his anonymous online moniker. Too much of a chance the government thugs would hurt him or someone close to him, or smash his computer equipment. He wasn’t alone in his worry. The dozen or so bloggers who had gathered in the offices of a fledgling Cairo newspaper were freaked out by the four-year prison term given to a twenty-two-year-old former law school student for criticizing President Hosni Mubarak and for “religious incitement.” The blogger had called Mubarak “the symbol of tyranny” and said Muslims who attacked a Coptic Christian church had “revealed their true ugly face.” He had blasted Al-Azhar University, a revered center of Islamic learning, as “the other face of the coin of al Qaeda.” Some of the bloggers in the room disagreed with what he had written, but they didn’t expect a prison term. The muscular guy in a black T-shirt sitting beside me said that the authorities had already done all they can do to him, so he wasn’t worried. He said he would keep blogging, writing what he wants, showing up at dissident rallies. I was tempted to ask for specifics about what he had endured, but decided it was best that I didn’t.

I was in Cairo on a Knight fellowship from the International Center for Journalists, on leave from the Chicago Tribune, where I cover labor after years of roaming back and forth to the Middle East. I earned my first Middle Eastern credentials covering the Lebanon war in 1982, and my Arabic is still pretty good. The Washington-based center sends people like me around the world to help independent-minded journalists make a difference in their countries. But shortly after I arrived in Cairo in late February 2007, the two main projects that I had planned to work with were swept aside in a swirl of dead-handed bureaucracy and delayed decisions. No surprise; it’s the Middle East. But with just over four months remaining in my fellowship, I needed to find another way to contribute. It felt like I was back forty years in the Peace Corps in Turkey—things don’t work out, so you move on.

I began calling newspaper friends who suggested people and organizations I might be able to assist, and right away an Egyptian reporter who was struggling to establish an independent news network connected me with the bloggers. I found them at an existential moment. They are testing the limits of their freedom in a time of great intellectual, economic, and political ferment in Egypt. Some Egyptian journalists told me with absolute certainty that change is coming for their news media, and that it can’t be stopped. It is true that small newspapers are bubbling up to challenge the state-run media; satellite TV from the wider Arab world has forced Egyptian TV to get real and copy Al Jazeera’s model; Egyptian journalists are talking to other Arab journalists about what binds them and about strategies for the future; government newspapers, in the face of declining circulation, finally seem to realize that they must compete; and the Internet—as it has in repressive societies everywhere—has opened the world to Egyptians and given them the power to speak out.

http://www.cjr.org/feature/the_hunger.php

Gulping down memories, one bounding stride after another, Alaa al Aswany stops dead in the middle of the street, a middle-aged bear of a man oblivious to the students and traffic swirling by him.
“It was here,” he says in the warm growl of a long-time smoker. 
Then he flashes the beatific smile that he sometimes turns on after a long discussion about the pains and joys of being a writer, and especially in Egypt where the financial rewards are few, and taboos many.
Here, he says at the corner of Polk and Wood Streets in the heart of the University of Illinois at Chicago campus, his understanding of Americans’ kindness was confirmed on a cold, blustery day over 20 years ago.
He was rushing across campus with a freshly typed master’s thesis, a work summing up one and a half years of graduate study at UIC’s College of Dentistry, when the papers just floated up and away.
“People got out of their cars and stopped and they and everyone else collected the papers,” he recalls. “But I wasn’t surprised,” he adds matter of factly. “I already knew that the American people are kind.”
But his return to Chicago earlier this year, his first since graduation, was more than a nostalgic rendezous with his past. It was in advance of the October publication of the English-language translation of “Chicago,” a novel that Arab readers have grabbed up in even greater numbers than his first record-breaking hit, “The Yacoubian Building.”
So much so, his publishers say it’s one of the best selling books in the Arab world.
“Chicago” is as calming a read as standing in the heart of a thunder storm.
There’s American decadence and racism, the soul-crushing loneliness of being an Egyptian immigrant in this strange outpost of outwardly friendly folks and the backward tug of Saudi-inspired Islamic conservatism on Egyptians here and at home. And there’s one of his favorite themes – his deep disdain for Egypt’s rulers and what he and others consider their disregard for democracy.
One reason for the emotional surge that erupts in almost every chapter is that the book appeared several years ago as a weekly serial in the Egyptian left-of-center al Destour (the Constitution) newspaper.
Though the book is called “Chicago,” the city and its residents largely form the backdrop for what happens to a group of Egyptians studying or working at UIC’s Medical School after the 9/11 tragedy.
A successful Egyptian professor, who disdains fellow Arabs, has his American dream shattered. Another Egyptian-born professor sinks into deep remorse over his decision years ago to forsake his homeland. A deeply religious graduate student has a relationship outside of marriage with an Egyptian student.
Another Egyptian student, who won a government scholarship only because he is a mole for Egyptian Intelligence, pimps his wife to a Chicago-based intelligence official who pulls incredible strings in the U.S. In turn, the agent sets up a young Egyptian leftist for arrest by U.S. anti-terrorism police.
Before his arrest, the student wrongly suspects his newly found Jewish girlfriend of setting him up.
Al Aswany, who writes a newspaper column in Cairo and belongs to Kefaya, (Enough) <cq> a struggling opposition party, disowns the notion that the novel is overly negative, or is a sociological examination of Egyptians at home and aboard.
“Literature is not a tourist guide,” he says. “I’ve been criticized for giving a negative image of Egypt. But I’m not a novelist working for the Ministry of Tourism. I don’t write novels to convince people to come to Sharm al Sheikh.”
What inspires him, he says, is human suffering.
As for the ambient sex in his writings, sex, he explains, is a “human language” that needs to told and explored.
The lure of al Aswany’s writing for Arab readers, suggests Farouk Mustafa, <cq> who translated “Chicago,” is that “he enlarges things in such a way as to bring them closer to the reader.” Al Aswany “has created a new class of novel readers,” says Mustafa, a professor of Arabic at the University of Chicago, who goes by the pen name Farouk Abdel Wahab.
As if to refute complaints that his novels revolve around trite formulas, al Aswany says he only creates his characters. After that they lead their own lives on his computer screen, and, he adds, often make the wrong decisions.
For example, he disapproves of the way the young Egyptian radical student in “Chicago” dumped his Jewish girl-friend. “I wouldn’t have done that,” he says with a frown.
Al Aswany’s own life, including his Chicago days, reads like one of his stories.
He arrived here, a relatively poor young Egyptian lured by the good reputation of the city and dental school. It was supposed to be a brief stay, but with dental faculty’s help he became a master’s degree student. When his money ran out, they helped him find a campus job, too.
Dr. A.E. Zaki, a professor emeritus at the dental school, recalls al Aswany’s “deep love of literature.” But he also was struck by al Aswany’s appetite for experiencing Chicago. “He lived it to the fullest,” he says.
Armed with the Reader’s weekly list of events, but little spending money, al Aswany roamed widely and frugally. He took in a Puerto Rican liberation movement meeting. He attended a church where, to his surprise, the parishoners were gay. He visited experimental theaters. He made friends with blacks, Jews, and a priest, who regularly invited him to services.
When he left for Egypt, he vowed to one day write a novel about Chicago.
He ached to be a writer, but heeded his father’s advice that since writers starve in Egypt he needed a steady paying job. His father, Abbas al Aswany, was a famous who earned a living as a lawyer.
He opened a dental office in Cairo, started writing on the side, and after years of frustration, his novel “the Yacoubian Building, published in 2002, exploded across the Arab world. It was a tale of political corruption, sexual abuse, religious fanaticism, homosexuality and the despair of the poor.
Just as that novel became a movie and runaway hit, there are plans to turn “Chicago” into a movie.
Translated into 20 languages, “The Yacoubian Building” has sold over 1 million copies, a half of that number in Arabic, according to Mark Linz, head of publications for American University in Cairo, which published “The Yacoubian Building” in English.
“Imagine, after 20 years you come back to this city, and you are one of the best selling authors in the Arab world,” he says, poised in front of the UIC dormitory where he discovered a new life so many years ago.

 http://english.aljazeera.net/programmes/listeningpost/2008/07/20087111423350627.html

The conflict in Darfur is a news story that has been widely and emotively covered by western media but has attracted relatively little coverage within the Arab media.

The Listening Post’s Salah Khadr finds out why.

There are many similarities between the violence in Iraq and Darfur from the estimate of the number of civilians killed to paramilitaries operating closely linked to the government forces, to victims who are targeted for membership of an ethnic group.

However international media coverage generally reports one as a civil war or cycle of insurgency and the other as a genocide.

More than 200,000 people have died in the conflict in Darfur, with millions more turned into refugees and the situation becoming a picture of “hell on earth” according to the UN.

Sudan’s population is 40 per cent Arab and Arabs are at the heart of the conflict, but for many in the Arab world, the humanitarian catastrophe may as well not exist.

The reason being the Arab media have largely ignored it.

Lawrence Pintak, a journalist and Arab media expert, says the problem with Darfur when it comes to the Arab media is that it does not fit the template of Arabs being the victims and other people the aggressors.

“Arabs here are good guys and bad guys,” he says.

‘State of denial’

“I think we are in a state of denial,” Jehad Khazen, a former editor of the al-Hayat newspaper, says.

“People say ‘the Arabs or Muslims – cannot do this – it did not happen’ – but they did do this and it did happen – and they have to reconcile themselves to the fact.”

Listening Post
Find out more about the programme

Just because the Arab media does not cover a lot of what happens in the Darfur crisis does not mean that Arab public opinion is not interested says Nadim Hasbani, an Arab media analyst from the International Crisis Group.

“A Zogby poll around March or April in 2007 showed there is a real eagerness in Arab public opinion to read more and learn more about what is happening in Darfur. But this is not reflected in the Arab media.”

It could be argued that geography plays a role in the limited coverage given the conflict is in Africa, not the Middle East.

But whilst Darfur largely remains a non-event on the Arab media scene, European and North American media travel from greater distances to cover this story.

“There is always going to be some sort of reluctance to demonise their own, the Arabs as they will see themselves,” Opheera McDoom, Reuters correspondent in Darfur, says.

“But I think while there has been coverage in the Arab media, there has been a reluctance in the Arab media to go to Darfur and check things out for themselves.

“I see a lot more western media going to Darfur and spending weeks in Darfur than I do Arab media and that is where you see the difference. You will get a much more in-depth coverage and a lot more interesting coverage if you actually go to Darfur, and that is where the Arab media has fallen down.”

However, some Arab media analysts say that the implied rationale from the American media in particular is that the story in Darfur is Arabs killing Africans because they do not know anything other than violence.

US suspicion

“That’s what the audience is left to conclude,” says Mahmood Mahdani of Columbia University.

“So that’s of course not acceptable if you are part of the Arab media. You can immediately sense that you are being caricatured and demonised at the same time.”

 It is questionable, however, if such suspicions over the motivation and vigour of US media coverage account for the strategy of limited coverage from many Arab media outlets.

Arab media’s coverage of Darfur is often more analysis than reporting [EPA]

“What is most striking to me is that the media coverage has a single focus and that’s a focus on atrocities, on atrocity stories, there’s no attempt to place them in context,” Mahdani says.

“There’s no attempt to explain, to locate it historically, to show that there’s any change happening.

“I think it is about linking Darfur with the larger war on terror by portraying and framing the perpetrators of violence in Darfur as Arabs.”

The 22 Arab states all have a distinctive media output and often it is not so much a question of following an agenda but deciding which agenda to follow.

“It is not one agenda – every Arab government has a different agenda from the other – Egypt is more interested in Darfur as Sudan is next door and doesn’t want a spill over,” Khazen says.

“But a country a like the UAE or Oman – find they are not directly involved and they can’t influence events – so you find that the coverage is much more limited there.”

Government hindrance

Covering Darfur is also hindered by the government of Sudan who have imposed strict access criteria and will often not issue visas or take journalists to government-controlled areas.

“They [the government] know that if more information comes out there will be added pressure on the Sudanese government,” Hasbani says.

“It’s not easy to cover Darfur – its not easy for Western Journalists and its not easy for Arab journalists,” Lawrence Pintak says.

“I talked to an Al Jazeera correspondent who was based in Khartoum a while back – and he said to go and cover Darfur – you have to go to Khartoum – then to Nairobi – to West Africa up to Cameroon, across from Cameroon to Chad and then in through the back door to the refugee camps.

“If you don’t do that then you are on a guided tour and you may as well go to Disneyland.”

The result of these restrictions has been a move toward more analytical coverage and away from hard reporting.

“What’s happened in Arab media is that we have so much coverage of the political issues related to Darfur like – what is the UK, France, US, UN reaction to Darfur – but what we really need actually is not the political coverage, but the coverage from the ground,” Hasbani says.

“What are the facts, what are the stories, where are the images of the refugees of the people being killed? These are images we don’t have but are the images we need – its not about the political process.”
 

Listening Post special on the media coverage of Darfur can be seen on Al Jazeera from Friday July 12 at the following times GMT:

Friday


For a good description of the state of blogging and human rights in the Arab world, read the results of this conference in Cairo sponsored by the Arab Network for Human Rights Informnation, in Arabic and English

http://www.openarab.net/ar/node/531

this raises an interesting question

Beirut-based blogger, Razan Ghazzawi, discusses what blogs mean to the media landscape, for journalism and for the concept of free speech and democracy in the Middle-East.

 

BY RAZAN GHAZZAWI

 
BEIRUT, June 25, 2008 (MENASSAT) — I want to dispel misconceptions surrounding blogs and blogging in the Arab world. Misconceptions I consider to be the same (in the Arab world) as those surrounding the press, freedom and democracy.

In the media landscape, blogs have been allowed to fill some sort of media/content vacuum, and nowadays blogging is considered “alternative” media.

How the “official” or “independent” media has allowed for such a vacuum to exist is unclear to me? Nonetheless, blogging is alternative media and finding out why requires an evaluation – an evaluation of the role of journalism and the role of different forms of media.

If I am asked, I say that journalism, like the idea of truth, has become an industry, and not just an industry but monopolized by industry like other concepts such as freedom, freedom of speech and democracy – all of these things have been commodified.

I think the official media is a contradiction to the idea of a “free” media. Rather than a plurality of voices, it monopolizes the voices of the people. Slogans become stories in order to create one identity with the disguise of plurality.

The same polarity exists with the concept of “independent journalism” or “independent” media. In this case, it is reduced to one meaning: opposing the dictator, i.e. opposing the “official” media.

I often wonder whether society is simply following a new policy that says, “If I am of the opposition then I’m free?” Does freedom mean opposition only?

Blogging as what…?

Unfortunately, journalism has over the decades become a victim of reductive logic, in which it falls into the categories of “official” or “independent” journalism rather than old-fashioned journalism.

Here, I ask, is it good to consider blogging a function of alternative media alone? I mean, if the free press were an alternative to the official media, how would blogging be an alternative – an alternative for what specifically?

I personally object to using the word “alternative” to describe blogging or blogs, for the term itself suggests eliminating something in order to replace it with something else. What’s worse is that this has already happened and “alternative” has become part of the media lexicon without discussing the form of media it is replacing.

Blog for a Cause!: The Global Voices Guide of Blog Advocacy explains how activists can use blogs as part of campaigns against injustice around the world. Blogging can help activists in several ways. It is a quick and inexpensive way to create a presence on the Internet, to disseminate information about a cause, and to organize actions to lobby decision-makers.

And here is the Arabic version:

 http://advocacy.globalvoicesonline.org/wp-content/uploads/ar-blog4cause.pdf

Rights groups demand investigation into alleged assault against journalists

By Compiled by Daily New Egypt
First Published: June 27, 2008

CAIRO: Three human rights organizations demanded an official police investigation into the alleged assault of Kamal Murad, a journalist at the opposition newspaper Al-Fajr.

The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI), the Arab Council for the Support of a Fair Trial and the Hisham Mubarak Law Center submitted a petition to the deputy minister of interior affairs on June 21, calling for an inquest into Murad’s alleged torture by police officers, according to a press release by ANHRI.

Three police officers in Beheira physically and verbally abused Murad, said the statement, and confiscated his notes and mobile phone memory card.

He was then arrested on charges of attacking police officers and inciting peasants against the security forces, said the ANHRI.

The incident reportedly follows Murad’s exposure of an influence-peddling case involving a local trader and his two sons who are police officers.

In his investigation, Murad has interviewed peasants in Ezbat Moharram in Beheira and shot pictures of police officers beating peasants in order to force them to sign lease contracts with a landlord, the rights group said.

The officers were allegedly doing this as a favor to their fellow policeman whose father happens to be the landlord.

 

This is a courageous editorial from the Yemen Times.

The image of Yemeni media globally is that journalists are struggling for freedom of expression willing to die for the cause, while the evil Yemeni government especially the Ministry of Information and the political security apparatus are chocking the life and spirit out of the free journalists. There are reportedly many violations against freedom of press, and so many local reports come every year to document such violations.

For example, the Center for Training and Protection of Journalists’ Freedoms based in Sana’a issued its annual report this month stating that there had been 220 registered incidents against journalists in 2007, while the first third of 2008 witnessed 52 violations. These range from harassment, verbal and physical abuse and court cases. Year 2007 was termed by the report as the worst year for freedom of press in Yemen.

However, that is only half of the story.

The other half which not many people talk or want to talk about is regarding the number of false news items published by Yemeni media, or the number of drastic mistakes in figures and inaccuracies published and broadcasted. Or the extortion incidents Yemeni journalists are committing against business owners, government officials and even diplomats so as to get money.

Worse of all, no one talks about how the Yemeni journalists’ community is suffering from apathy regarding causes they claim to defend. They even don’t show support to their own issues such as violations against the press. In the protest called on by the Yemeni Journalists Syndicate last week in support of Al-Wasat Newspaper, which was prevented from being printed, of the hundreds of Sana’a based journalists only 12 showed up. And I am sure some of them were at the syndicate by chance just to follow their journalists ID cards or some other business.

But this was not reported because we do not want the government to think that we are divided and that we don’t care if Al-Wasat ever publishes again or Al-Khaiwani receives a death sentence.

This is partly because many of the people working in media today are there because they could not do anything else. There is a common saying in Yemen that journalism is the profession of those who don’t have a job. So they are just considering journalism as a job like any other job and they simply want to keep it by staying out of trouble, so that they get a salary at the end of the month. This applies heavily to official media including TV and radio.

The other reason is that a large part of Yemeni journalists are frustrated and bored. They are underpaid, under trained and not respected. So they don’t appreciate their profession and the “will to defend the truth and change the world”, has long gone with the first paycheck. Now there is even a worse trend which is: Yemeni journalists write about events and issues only if that particular organization pays them to do so. They are simply sold. For example, for international organsiations including the high level ones such as the UN agencies, the World Bank, or even events carried out by embassies, there is a budget line called media transport allowance. This is apparently the money they give journalists in order to get them on board and give the event or the issue publicity. Apparently it is to help the journalists get “transportation” to the venue of the event. Keep in mind that they pay at least 2000 Yemeni riyals per day, while it could cost 40 riyals on average to get physically to that venue. Maybe transportation here includes spiritual preparation for journalists, or maybe they are hiring expensive cars, but nevertheless, it works. And this is why if someone has an event but does not include “transportation allowance” none will even show up, let alone write about it. Of course there are exceptions, but they are only what they are: exceptions.

So before you jump into conclusions about the situation of Yemeni media, maybe it would be fairer to all parts to take a look at the other side of the story and then see how and who in Yemeni media equation should be supported.

 

This is an inspiring interview with the 29-year-old editor of the Yemen  Times; Nadia al Saqqaf

http://www.strategicforesight.com/iwforum/nadia.htm

from Arab Media and Society:

Unfortunately, as the latest Freedom House report underlines, the relationship between media and state in the Middle East and North Africa is no fairy tale. Not a single Arab country has a press classified as “free.” For every step forward, there is at least one step back. For every official committed to loosening the reins, there is a lawyer wielding a lawsuit or a police thug with a blood-spattered baton. The rack may be history, but electric probes are today’s torture implement of choice. Just ask blogger and labor activist Kareem al-Beheiri.

http://www.arabmediasociety.com/?article=669

 

http://www.cpj.org/attacks07/mideast

 

from the Committee to Protect Journalism on the Arab news media 2007

In terms of the media, governments have built new strategies to contain the assertive journalists who have emerged over the last decade in countries such as Algeria, Jordan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen. Job dismissals, behind-the-scenes threats, third-party defamation suits, and trumped-up terrorism charges like those brought against al-Khaiwani have replaced the torture, enforced disappearances, and open-ended incarcerations that were the hallmarks of the previous era. Image conscious governments have also become masters of spin, championing cosmetic media reforms designed mainly for public consumption.

 


بعيدا عن الأنظار، نوع جديد من القمع
بقلم: جويل كمبانيا

في وقت العصر من أحد أيام الاربعاء في حزيران/يونيو الماضي، قام عملاء تابعون لأجهزة الأمن اليمنية بمداهمة منزل المحرر الصحفي الجريء عبد الكريم الخيواني، ثم جروه لمحاكمة أمام محكمة أمن الدولة في العاصمة صنعاء. استجوبت النيابة العامة الخيواني، ثم وجهت له تهمة الانتماء لخلية إرهابية سرية—وهي تهمة يمكن أن يعاقب عليها القانون بالإعدام. وقد سبب هذا الاعتقال صدمة بين الصحفيين اليمنيين، وتساءل بعضهم صراحة ما إذا كان زميلهم المعروف بمقالاته المهيّجة التي يهاجم فيها الحكومة اليمنية وحربها ضد المتمردين في مدينة صعدة الواقعة في الشمال الغربي من البلاد، متورطا بأمر شنيع. وقد أصدرت لجنة حماية الصحفيين حينها تصريحات متحفظة أعربت فيها عن انشغالها، لأنها لم تكن متأكدة من أن هذه التهمة لا أساس لها من الصحة

See the report in Arabic, click link.

http://cpj.org/attacks07/mideast_arb/ar_mideast_analysis_07.html

 

It is like reading notes handed from one to another with pictures and videos. The notes becomes the news and the news becomes the mirror of life of things today in Egypt: take a look at what the bloggers are doing these days.

Here’s a video 

 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VhY0X3K3Yic

ينبغي على مؤتمر قمة جامعة الدول العربية أن يرفض القيود الجديدة المفروضة على البث الفضائي

قالت منظمة العفو الدولية اليوم إنه ينبغي على ممثلي دول الجامعة العربية المجتمعين في دمشق بسورية يومي 28 و29 مارس/آذار أن يتخذوا خطوات لمعالجة المشاكل الأساسية لحقوق الإنسان التي تواجه منطقة الشرق الأوسط.

وقال مالكوم سمارت مدير برنامج الشرق الأوسط وشمال أفريقيا في منظمة العفو الدولية إن “الجامعة العربية ما برحت تشارك بصورة متزايدة في الجهود الرامية إلى تسوية بعض الخلافات السياسية الكبرى في المنطقة، لاسيما المأزق المستمر الذي يظل يحول دون انتخاب رئيس جديد في لبنان”، وأضاف “لكنها أخفقت في معالجة بواعث القلق عميقة الجذور المتعلقة بحقوق الإنسان، وقد اتخذت في الآونة الأخيرة خطوة خطيرة إلى الوراء بمساندة قيود جديدة على البث”.

ودعت المنظمة الجامعة إلى الرفض القاطع والكلي لمبادئ تنظيم البث الفضائي في العالم العربي، التي اعتمدها وزراء الإعلام في الدول الأعضاء في الجامعة في 12 فبراير/شباط، والتي تشكل جزءاً من مسودة ميثاق البث الفضائي العربي.

وقال مالكوم سمارت إن “البث الفضائي يظل حيوياً في زيادة حرية تدفق المعلومات والأفكار في العالم العربي، ولا يجوز أن يخضع لمزيد من القيود غير المشروعة”، وتابع قائلاً إنه “في دول عديدة يظل الإعلام خاضعاً لرقابة رسمية شديدة وأصلاً تكافح مؤسسات البث المرئي والمسموع والصحافة في ظروف صعبة لوضع المعلومات المهمة في متناول الجمهور، ويظل العديد من الصحفيين يتعرضون للمضايقة والعقوبات بسبب الأخبار التي ينشرونها.”

By Daoud Kuttab

photo by Kim Badawi. http://www.digitalrailroad.net/kimbadawi

<!–

 

–>

March, 2008.  There is no doubt that the proliferation of Arabic language satellite stations is causing a lot of waves in the Arab world. Seen innocently, the need for some type of regulatory process makes sense. But the Arab League members with the exception of Lebanon and Qatar were not innocently trying to ban pornography or violent programming from Arabs’ television screens.  Nor is their most recent resolution trying to curtail the content of Arab satellite stations an attempt to create an Arab version of the American FCC.  It is no short of an attempt to control the minds and thoughts of Arab viewers, mostly on political issues.

The Arab League is a voluntary organization of Arab countries that has some moral authority but no binding power. Until recently, the only regular meeting that occurred like a Swiss watch was the meeting of Arab interior ministers. The leaders of Arab intelligence and security forces met regularly to plan and coordinate actions that protected their own regimes as well as the interests of their international allies, most prominently the United States.
 

(CIHRS/IFEX) – The following is an 18 February 2008 CIHRS press release:

Ailing Arab League Undermines Freedom of Expression

CIHRS strongly condemns the document entitled “Principles regulating Radio
and Satellite TV Transmission and Receiving in the Arab Region”, adopted by
the Council of Arab Information Ministers. CIHRS confirms that the
document, disguised by media professional ethics rhetoric, is primarily
aimed at providing a fake national and ethical cover to limit the freedom
margin exercised by the media outlets in some of the Arab countries. This
margin of freedom existed either because of the influence of the global
communications and information revolution or internal and external
pressures for democracy.

Ironically, it is the same Arab League that failed to realize one
achievement for the major Arab issues in Palestine, Iraq, Maghreb Sahara,
the occupied Emirates Islands, Lebanon, Southern Sudan and Darfur, that is
being used as a platform for this “unified Arab” attack on freedom of
expression.

It is indicative that the said document was developed following an
initiative by the Egyptian government as media freedom in Egypt is
seriously deteriorating. This is best manifested by the jail sentences
awaiting five editors-in-chief of partisan and independent newspapers all
at once. In addition, there are hundreds of cases pending at the courts
against journalists as well as defamation campaigns against the press and
satellite channels where government media professionals participate,
claiming that the media is committing violations of code of ethics and
jeopardizes Egypt’s reputation. This is meant to refer to the exposure of
police violations of citizens’ rights and torture incidents. It is
similarly indicative that Saudi Arabia joins such an initiative with its
hegemony over media outlets, not only within the Kingdom, but also
throughout the Arab region.

 from the Initiative for an Open Arab press

Walls of Glass!

Nothing can be hidden in Egypt . The state-owned newspapers are no longer the only source of news or information. To know about real situations in Egypt , one can read the independent newspapers and bloggs.

Torture, corruption, political suppression, poverty, and peaceful and violent protests, all art taking place in Egypt , but the state-controlled media never comment or publish such aspects.

Nowadays, the situation is different; such aspects and events are widely known. All what you need to know about them is to read an independent newspaper or a blogg or to watch the space channels.

No one is above criticism, and no more government secrets, all now are known. Executioners are no longer free to chastise people and go with impunity. Young journalists and bloggers are there to write, criticize and record shootings.

The slogan of “Every thing is OK in Egypt ” is changed to be “ Egypt is not well, let us expose this to find a treatment”.

 http://openarab.net/en/reports/opinion/opinion2.shtml

Some ask why blog.  What does it matter?

Here is a powerful answer from Fouad Farhan, a Saudi who was recently arrested and apparently for his writings on the Internet.

Why Do We Blog?1. Because we believe we have opinions that deserve to be heard, and minds that should be respected.2. Because societies do not progress until they learn to respect opinions of their members. And we would like to see our society progressing.3. Because blogging is our only option. We do not have a free media, and freedom to assemble is not allowed.4. Because we want to discuss our opinions.5. Because we think.6. Because we care.7. Because blogging has had a positive effect on other societies and we want to see the same result in our society.8. Because blogging is a reflection of the life of society members. And we are alive.9. Because blogging is gaining increasing attention from media and governments. We want them to listen to us.10. Because we are not scared.11. Because we reject the cattle mentality.12. Because we welcome diversity of opinions.13. Because the country is for all, and we are part of it.14. Because we want to reach out to everyone.15. Because we refuse to be an “echo”.16. Because we are not any less than bloggers in other societies.17. Because we seek the truth.18. Because our religion encourages us to speak out.19. Because we are sick and tired of the Saudi media hypocrisy.20. Because we are positive.21. Because blogging is a powerful tool that can benefit society.22. Because we are affected and we can affect.23. Because we love our country.24. Because we enjoy dialogue and don’t run away from it.25. Because we are sincere. 

 Can you tell the truth in little parts at a time? Can you cut the news into little pieces and hand them out one at a time? Maybe yes. Maybe there is no other other way in the Arab world? What do you think? I wonder if there is a way in between silence and confrontation? Here are the words of one editor at a recent Arab Press conference in Beirut.  ”You cannot be revolutionary, you have to be evolutionary,” said Mohamed Alayyan, Publisher of Al Ghad, the largest independent newspaper in Jordan and the second largest overall. “You can’t say, ’I’m going to turn the tables’, because it won’t get you anywhere and may get you into jail. It is important to adapt and you have to keep pushing the envelope slowly to get to your goal, to get to — if there is such a thing — absolute freedom of speech.” 

Those of us who care about truth, who care about the freedom to tell the truth, we are all journalists. It doesn’t matter if you are by yourself or you are with many. If you are commited to this, you can only do your best.

This belongs belong to you and all those who care and work for freedom of expression in the Arab world. Please make it your resource. And because I am no longer in the Arab world, I cannot see and feel and write about what you know everyday. And so, I welcome you to share  your thoughts here about journalism in the Arab world. I will post your words and hopefully we can continue to share.

shukran, steve

For a reminder about what freedom means to the press, read the record of this conference in Beirut in December 2006: http://www.wan-press.org/tueni_award/articles.php?id=663#2

What the press and journalists have suffered in Lebanon is the history of the country and its citizens — it cannot be treated separately, said Mr Hamadé. “Talking about freedom for the press is talking about the rights of citizens at all levels,” he said.

 

Tyranny, injustice, occupation, dictators, restrictions, lawsuits, murders, maiming, newspaper offices invaded, civil war — the Lebanese press has seen it all. Fifty years ago, in 1958, the killing of Nassib Matni, owner of At Talagraph, sparked one civil conflict. In the 1960s, agents of Lebanese intelligence targeted and killed journalists. During the civil wars, which lasted more than 17 years, many journalists had to leave Lebanon, while others were murdered.”Today, when we talk about (assassinated journalists) Gebran Tueni and Samir Kassir, we cannot forget this history,” said Mr Hamadé. “Gebran Tueni knew the war that our newspaper was going through. He was challenging the state, government, intelligence, for the freedom of his country.”Mr Hamadé had this to say about the Lebanese press:1. The battle of the press is not a battle of one professional sector isolated from the main battles of the country — the problems of the country are causing the problems in the media profession.2. The difficulties facing the Lebanese press take on many forms. For example, economic difficulties, as when advertising was prohibited in the 1970s.3. Death threats — both those that are carried out and those that are not, but still have an impact on reporting. “We still have many in the Lebanese press who don’t fear anything,” said Mr Hamadé. “They remember the values of the press — transparency, the search for truth, autonomy.”4. There are no free newspapers, only free journalists. Newspapers are free because of the values carried by their journalists.5. Despite all the attacks, the Lebanese press “is still strong against the powers that want it to go backwards.”Alia Talib, Media Specialist, IraqBeing a journalist in Iraq is dangerous. Being a woman journalist is even worse.If a woman fails to wear a veil, she might be killed. If she is kidnapped, and released, she risks being killed by her own family for bringing dishonour to them, said Ms Talib.Women journalists are paid less than men and they do not receive maternity leave or any other benefits.For journalists in general — men and women alike — journalism is a deadly profession in Iraq. “I can tell you that a journalist who works is the main media is a target,” said Ms Talib.Local journalists are sent into this environment with insufficient training to assess the dangers, said Ms Talib.”In general, there is no immunity, no protection for women or men. They do not receive protection. In Iraq, there is no compensation if you are injured.”Journalists, in short, are “disposable.”The solution? “Financially independent newspapers where journalists will work without favour. But they are weak because they don’t have enough money.”Abdlerahim K. Abdallah, Journalism Unit Director, Media Institute/Birzeit University, PalestineIsrael says it believes in a free press, but the situation changes when it comes to Palestinian media, said Mr Abdallah.He said the situation for Palestinian journalists improved after the Oslo agreements, but deteriorated after the intifada. Palestinian journalists are targeted in three ways:1. Simply for being a journalist. A dozen have been killed in recent years simply for being journalists, and Palestinian radio and TV headquarters have been bombed, he said.2. Israeli authorities frequently refuse to recognise that a Palestinian has the right to be a journalist.3. Palestinian journalists are targeted specifically because they write something that displeases the Israeli authorities.”The greatest problem, however, is no freedom of movement,” said Mr Abdallah. “I live near Nablus, we are surrounded by a wall. The gate opens from 6 am to 8 am and you have to work during those two hours. It is difficult to move from one area to another. The presence of Israeli forces is a major problem because they don’t recognise your press card.”But Israeli occupation isn’t the only problem. “There is another problem — the lack of security and the chaos that violate the right to publish and the right to exercise the profession of journalism,” said Mr Abdallah. “Arrests and detention are among the main dangers — dozens are arrested every day. “Jamal Amer, Editor-in-chief, Al Wasat, Yemen“Arab rulers, regardless of their differences, agree on one thing, and that is the way they regard the Arab press — all of them consider it their sworn enemy,” said Mr Amer.In Yemen, journalists have a lot of freedom to practice their profession, “but there are other means of oppression — there is no legal framework. We have a dozen legal loopholes that are traps for journalists” he said.For example, the press cannot criticise the president or other public figures, and “elastic” laws can lead to prison sentences of up to one year.There are other means of oppression as well — physical aggression, false accusations of being foreign agents or traitors, or of consuming alcohol or drugs, and even kidnappings. And the state is not the only oppressor tribal leaders can send people to attack journalists without fear or prosecution, he said.Mr Amer was abducted from his own home on 23 August 2005 following an article in which his newspaper revealed that relatives of the president received scholarships that were meant for other students.Mr Amer was threatened and forced to “confess” that he was a US agent and was told never to write critically about the government. The threats included the threat of sexually abusing his children, he said.”The hope is very dim for practicing journalism without danger as long as we have laws restricting freedom of the press,” he said. “We must change the laws and promote the press. We must work with international organisations that promote freedom.“We should have conferences that highlight violations of the press and issue recommendations, and we should call on the United Nations to play a role in implementing Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We must consider that attacking journalists is an international cause, regardless of the nationality of the journalist. We should let everyone know what is going on.”



  from al Ahram,

Media overhaul

By Salama A Salama


The press is in crisis. There is no denying that. A balance between freedom and responsibility is badly needed. But this has to take place as part of a larger effort. Taken hostage by outdated laws and forces of the past, caught in an entangled web of hapless politics, our press is staring into the mirror of despair.Modern media is taking over. Television and the Internet are making inroads into a territory that once belonged exclusively to the print press. The press is fighting for dear life with its hands tied behind its back. It is hounded by powers that wish to keep it in its place, and even push it back to where they think it belongs. The press is being pushed back into the era of mass mobilisation, the time when its main function was to praise the powers that be.

Faced by such threats, journalists are making things worse. They fight among themselves. They fight over imagined material or moral gains. And they don’t seem to see the abyss lying ahead. The future has no place for a press devoid of credibility. The future has no place for journalists who curry favour with rulers. If things keep going this way, journalists will end up being mere clerks, or informers, working for a pittance in impoverished private newspapers. Or they’ll go looking for piecemeal work at Arab press offices and television stations.

If the clash between the nationalist and independent press continues, both will lose. Our newspapers need to turn into financially viable and politically independent institutions. They need to modernise their management, introduce transparent financing, embrace the latest technology and train their reporters. We cannot allow the press to disintegrate into the dark recesses of a professional vacuum. We cannot allow the name-calling and the grovelling — all of which was evident in the Press Syndicate’s elections — to go on. Otherwise, we will end up with worthless newspapers that no one wants to read, and this goes for both the national and independent press.

Mass mobilisation can no longer be the mission of the press. The restricted freedoms of the 1960s and 1970s cannot come back. These are new times. We cannot embrace the market economy and freedom one day and eat our words the next. The nature of our political system is going to change, and so will the press. We cannot waste time on half measures. We need to overhaul the entire media system, laws and all. Let me give you one example. According to current laws, you can set up a newspaper with LE250,000 — less than the price of an apartment. How can you expect a newspaper to pay salaries, insurance and taxes on such meagre assets? How do you expect such a paper to resist corruption?

There are people in the media who still do business the old way. They wait for orders from the information minister, the Policies Committee, or the Interior Ministry, and carry them out. This cannot last for long. Also, the current professional standards of our journalists leave much to be desired. What happened to accurate reporting, to balanced writing, to objective views, to refined language?

This country is thinking about the economy all the time. Perhaps it is time we think a little about the press. We’re no longer competitive. We have fallen behind other media in the region. This can change, but only when we start moving in the right direction.

We need an independent press. And we need a financially viable press.

http://www.chicagotribune.com/travel/chi-alexandria_pmoct28,0,7694466,full.story

ALEXANDRIA, EGYPT-As the old hotel elevator rumbles upward, its antiquarian wood and brass cage carries me backward.

Back to the 1930s when the Cecil Hotel — staring out at an ancient harbor, a busy square and chic European-style patisseries — was the gathering place for aspiring (and already world-famous) writers, for social climbers and for curious foreigners caught up in Egypt’s mystique. Back to a breezy, Mediterranean city on the edge of Africa that once felt like Marseilles and London and Naples and Istanbul, and a mixture of everything from the Middle East thrown into an exotic urban stew.

For an precise view, once again, of what has been happening in the Egyptian press. Read what Salama A. Salama says:

It is hard to understand the current crisis without looking at the professional situation of journalists themselves. For years, the state has tried to tame them. Using a mixture of carrot-and-stick methods, the government bought loyalties and ultimately succeeded in weakening the independence of the press. No wonder journalists were so divided during the recent crisis.

So, too, read Baheya’s long explanation.

This is from Black Iris in Jordan. What do you think?

“I don’t know anymore. I would say it’s a sad day, but I can’t remember one that wasn’t. Long story short, the Jordanian government is going on, what can best be described as, an anti-online free speech jihad. A decision has been made to monitor websites (most likely including the rising popularity of blogs) and to keep them in check with the country’s notorious press and publication laws.”

Democracy under siege

Until Arab regimes embody the people they purport to represent they will remain fearful of them, writes Ayman El-Amir*–from Al Ahram


Democracy in the Arab world is in a bind. It is taking one step forward and two steps back. Although the silent majority is growing more active and increasingly restive, its yearning for democratic change has no sense of direction except, perhaps, the Islamist way. It has been tantalised by two examples of democratic and peaceful change, first in Mauritania and more recently in secular Turkey. However, it does not have the institutional power structure to emulate these experiences. For the past decade, conditioned political parties, opposition movements, factory workers and professional unions have staged demonstrations, protests and strikes, clashed with government troops and filed lawsuits in courts, but have been skilfully outmanoeuvred and contained by the regimes in power. Government-licensed political parties have little to no access to genuine power sharing leading to peaceful change.

http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2007/862/op3.htm

This is from the International Trade Union Confederation:

There were again small glimmers of hope in the Middle East as some governments took timid steps towards the recognition of trade union rights, but overall workers in the region still have fewer trade union rights than anywhere else in the world.

The government of Bahrain sent mixed messages, issuing a Royal Decree prohibiting dismissals for trade union activities, followed a few weeks later by a ban on strikes in many sectors. There was good news from Oman where decrees were passed allowing workers to form trade unions, engage in collective bargaining and take limited strike action.

Elsewhere trade union rights are still severely restricted or non-existent. In the United Arab Emirates the bill allowing for the formation of trade unions had still not been adopted by the end of the year. In Saudi Arabia a new labour code came into force but trade unions and strikes are still banned. Even where workers do have the right to form trade unions there is little freedom of association as the law imposes a single trade union system, for example in Jordan, Kuwait, Yemen and Syria.

Workers who dared to exercise their trade union rights faced heavy repression, notably in Iran. The leader of the Tehran and Suburbs Company bus drivers’ union, Sherkat-e Vahed, Mansour Osanloo became an emblematic figure in the struggle for the respect of workers’ rights. Protests in January at his continued detention led to the arrest of about 1000 union leaders, members and supporters. They even arrested children, including a 12-year-old girl beaten and thrown into a police van. Many others were injured during police raids on their homes to force them back to work. Mr. Osanloo himself was held in the notorious Evin prison in Teheran until August, spending over four months in solitary confinement, at times with his eyes blindfolded and his hands bound. He was again arrested and beaten in November, before being released on exorbitant bail one month later.

Trade unionists in Iraq faced countless dangers, at the hands of militias, terrorist groups, occupation troops and others. Among the many trade unionists who fell victim to violence there were at least two leaders targeted specifically for their trade union activities, including Thabet Hussein Ali of the health workers’ union. He was abducted and his bullet ridden corpse discovered the following day, bearing signs of severe torture, including wounds caused by an electric drill.

In Palestine the hostilities with Israel and inter-Palestinian violence have made the exercise of trade union rights virtually impossible. The complex restrictions on Palestinians’ movements within and between the occupied territories simply add to their difficulties. Members of an ILO mission experienced this first hand as they sometimes had to use phone or video links to contact Palestinian trade unionists and employers. In a direct attack on the trade union movement, a group of masked men entered a building housing a local PGFTU office and its radio station in October. They first threw a grenade, injuring four people, and then set fire to the offices.

Migrant workers still make up the most vulnerable group in the region. In some cases their rights are not protected by law, in others they are actually barred from union membership. Frequently they dare not organise or take part in collective action for fear of beatings, dismissal or deportation. That was the fate of at least 20 migrant workers at two factories in Jordan, who were arrested, beaten up in custody and then deported for daring to demand improved wages and working conditions. In Qatar many migrant workers were arrested following scuffles with police when they protested over the deaths of two colleagues, and three Nepalese workers were deported after protesting at long working hours and unpaid overtime. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) deported 50 migrant workers for protesting at low wages.

Most vulnerable of all among the migrant workers are the young women workers in domestic service, such as those in Kuwait who are subject to prosecution if they leave their employers, who often confiscate their passports. The women are frequently the victims of physical and sexual abuse. In Saudi Arabia too the total lack of union rights and protection means that migrant workers, particularly women, are frequently subjected to blatant abuse, such as non-payment of wages, forced confinement, rape and physical violence. Similarly in the UAE migrant workers are bound by the sponsor system that puts them at the mercy of their employers and risk deportation if they try to organise or take strike action.


 

 

November 2009
S M T W T F S
« Oct    
1234567
891011121314
15161718192021
22232425262728
2930  

Blog Stats

  • 10,714 hits

Top Clicks

  • None