Peace Journalism, a guide

صحافه†السلام

صحافه†مختصه†بالتقارير†التي†تخص†المشاكل†و†الازمات

اسال†الاسئله†التاليه†قبل†ان†تكمل†تقريرك∫

هل†هناك†ضرورة†لهذه†الاخبار؟†هل†تروي†الحدث†من†الاتجاهين؟†

هل†ممكن†ان†تؤدي†هكذا†قصه†الى†العنف†او†التحامل†اوالى†اي†عدم†ثقه†بين†المجتمع†والتي†ممكن†ان†

تؤدي†الى†اجهاض†التحاور†من†اجل†السلام؟†اذا†كانت†كذلك،†هل†بامكانك†روايه†القصه†باسلوب

مختلف؟

هل†لديك†اراء†و†اصوات†مختلفه†في†تقريرك؟†

هل†تحدثت†مع†الناس†الذي†تاثرت†حياتهم†بالقصه؟†او†قمت†بالتحدث†فقط†الى†المختصين†و†المسؤولين†

الحكوميين؟

هل†تستخدم†كلمات†او†مشاهد†او†قصص†قد†تسيئ†الى†الناس†اومن†الممكن†ان†تؤدي†الى†المزيد†من†

الصراع†او†الخلاف؟†كيف†يمكنك†ان†تتفادى†ذلك؟

تفسير†الخلاف†و†الازمات∫

اسال†نفسك†هذه†الاسئله†عند†اعداد†تقريرك∫

ماهي†اسباب†الخلاف؟†

ماذا†تعتقد†الاطراف†المختلفه؟†ما†الذي†يختلفون†فيه؟†مالذي†يتشابهون†فيه؟†

ماهو†تاريخ†الخلاف†من†وجهة†نظر†الاطراف†المختلفة؟†ماهي†الصوره†الشامله؟†

من†هم†الاشخاص†او†المجموعات†المعنيين†بالامرƆ

كيف†تطورت†القضيه†او†الخلاف†بمرور†الوقت؟†قم†بتحضير†جدول†زمنيƆ

ماهي†الحلول†التي†تم†سماعها؟†ماذا†تعرف†عن†حقيقه†هذه†الحلول؟†قم†بالتحقق†من†الحلول†التي†تم†

اعتمادها†من†قبل†مجاميع†مختلفهƆماهي†الخيارات†التي†من†الممكن†ان†تجلب†السلام†و†التعافي†من

المشاكل؟

ماهي†الخطوات†المطلوبه†للتصالح†وحل†المشاكل†السابقه؟†

هل†تم†عرض†حلول†مؤقته؟†

ماهي†العقبات†الرئيسيه†التي†تحول†دون†السلام†و†التعافي؟†

اقتراح∫†قم†باعتبار†المشاعر†كاعراض†للأزمه؟†كيف؟†

الخطوات†المقترحه†لاعداد†التقارير

لا†تتكلم†فقط†الى†القادة†او†المسؤولينÆ

لا†تتحدث†فقط†عن†معاناه†و†مشاكل†طرف†واحدƆقم†بروايه†القصه†كامله†ولجميع†الاطرافÆ

لاتقم†باعاده†كلام†او†عبارات†المسؤولين†بدون†تقديم†شرحك†الخاص†للمعنى†مع†ذكر

الحقائقÆ

لاتقم†بالاستخفاف†اوتجاهل†اي†جهود†لايجاد†الحلÆ

لاتستخدم†اي†كلمات†او†صور†من†الممكن†ان†تؤدي†او†تؤجج†للكراهيهÆ

لاتعد†اي†تقرير†اعتمادا†على†اشاعات†او†نميمه†بدون†توضيح†المحتوى†والصوره†الكاملهÆ

قم†بايجاد†الحقائق†التي†تخص†الاشاعات†او†النميمه†والتي†من†الواضح†انها†تغذي†الكراهيه

والازماتƆاعمل†على†ان†يكون†تقريرك†موضحا†للحقائق†وراء†الاشاعات†و†النميمهƆوضح

من†هم†المتوقع†ان†يكونوا†وراء†هكذا†اشاعات†و†ماذا†يستفيدون†من†وراءهاÆ

اعمل†على†ان†تكون†نافذه†اخبارك†هي†اداه†لتصفيه†الاشاعات†و†النميمه†بصورة†مستمرهƆقم

بانشاء†موقع†انترنت†يختص†بالرد†على†هذه†الادوات†التي†تحرك†الناس†و†الراي†العامÆ

قم†باضافه†وثائق†و†مصادر†اخرى†على†موقع†الانترنت†الذي†انشئته†لكي†تثقف†الناس†و

المتابعين†بخصوص†القاضيا†المتداولهÆ

لاتتجاهل†المعاناه†او†المشاكلƆاجعل†روايتك†شامله†و†موضحة†للصورة†الكامله†و†تعنى†بما

حدث†بالماضي†و†ماحدث†لجميع†الاطرافƆلكن†لاتدع†هذه†الاموران†تكون†القصه†الكاملهÆ

وضح†تاثير†عنف†و†مشاكل†الماضيƆاشرح†ماذا†من†الممكن†ان†يحدث†اذا†استمرت†هكذا

امور†الى†المستقبلÆ

الصراعات†معقدةƆابتعد†عن†التبسيط†او†الشرح†المبسط†للاسبابƆوضح†انسانيه†الناس

المعنيين†و†جميع†الاطرافÆ

يجب†ان†تتذكر†ان†تقريرك†سوف†يؤثر†على†الازمه†و†على†الناس†المعنيين†بهاƆكيف†يمكنك

ان†تراقب†هذ†الامر؟

احذر†من†ان†يتم†استخدامك†من†طرف†او†اخر†للتحكم†بتقريرك،†و†اذا†كان†بامكانك†حاول†ان

تتفادئ†اي†محاوله†لاستخدام†تقريرك†من†طرف†واحد†او†استخدامه†لاستمرار†الازمهÆ

تذكير†اساسي∫

قم†بما†تجده†مناسبƆلاتتعدى†الخطوط†الحمراء†التي†من†الممكن†ان†تتسبب†بمشاكل†لك†او

لمؤسستك†الاعلاميه†او†لعائلتكƆتقدم†بتقريرك†الى†الامام†ببطئƆلاتتعجل†الى†المشاكل†التي

من†الممكن†ان†تعطل†او†توقف†تقريركƆقم†بالتركيز†على†مايهم†و†مايمكن†ان†تنقله†بامانه†و

شموليهÆ

ستيفن†فرانكلن،†2016

هذه†مجموعه†ارشادات†و†مقترحات†تم†اقتباسها†من†دراسات†وتقارير†مختلفهÆ

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Truth is mourned daily in conflicts. And the Syrian crisis is an example. Here, a Syrian group of journalists talk about their effort to correct gossips, rumors and fake news.

Click here….Your thoughts?syrian journalist

Takkad

“IT’S LONG BEEN said that truth is the first casualty of war. Nowhere is that more evident in the world today than in the Syrian conflict, where rumor, hearsay or even fake stories are common in local news sources and social media feeds.

Last year, several Syrian journalists decided that something needed to be done about the situation and, in March, launched Takkad, or Verify, an online platform that exposes and corrects inaccurate news stories and information coming out of Syria. The platform focuses largely on social media, but also examines reports by international news outlets.

The platform is run by a team of volunteers – four editors, five reporters, two translators and two technologists – all of whom have full-time jobs, but spend their spare time hunting down false news.

The website has already built a 30,000-strong readership across its social media platforms and become something of a success story for the post-uprising Syrian media. The website’s mission is to encourage people to verify all information from and about the Syrian war, using at least two sources they deem to be trustworthy.

The platform’s managing editor, 30-year-old Dirar Khattab, spoke to Syria Deeply about his team’s work, and the importance of holding media outlets accountable for the information they share.

Syria Deeply: Where did the idea to form such a platform come from?

Dira Khattab: It is almost impossible to take stock of the number of media publications, news outlets, radio channels and pages that have emerged from Syria specifically, and from the region generally, in the past five years. This never-seen-before freedom to share information and content in the Middle East without government supervision has given people a chance to share unverified information about the events taking place in the country. The new media in Syria is clearly divided on the basis of political and ideological affiliations. Unfortunately, some media outlets don’t have a problem with spreading lies as long as these lies serve a purpose, or an interest.”

Journalism in a time of crisis الصحافة في وقت الأزمات

As the sun stretches over the Arab world, crises unfold.

cairo1

But are these stories being told? Do we hear the voices, see the needs, realize the consequences.

Read this report by Jeff Ghannam, a veteran in telling us about the role of the media in the Arab world – especially social media.

Here is a quote:

“But for all the attention to the scale of the tragedy, the kinds of information needed by the victims is often lost. To listen to Nabil Al Khatib, executive editor of Saudiowned Al Arabiya, based in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, the human stories in the conflicts are buried under the daily tallies of those killed. “This is a lost story,” he says. “You will find that most reporters are reporting in a general way. It leads to boring reporting and it leads to people being detached from news,” Al Khatib says. “This is one of the biggest challenges, and it can only be resolved by training. I started my TV reporting career covering Palestine, Israel, and Jordan and my biggest issue was how to continue reporting from a humanitarian point of view and focus on individuals. Individual stories are always unique and people would like to hear them.” He says reporters covering the migrant crisis for the network in Europe were senior correspondents based in the region. While not all were trained in covering crises from a humanitarian point of view, the network devoted significant resources for special reports from Europe, tracking the migrant crisis with live reports, which Al Khatib points to with great pride as a journalistic, logistic, and operational success. Still, he says, training and raising awareness among the rank and file are needed to produce stories about the wars’ impact on humanity. “If you try to check how many humanitarian stories there are about Syrians stuck in Syria, you will see very few reports,” Al Khatib says. “The [civilians] are not being covered, the fighters are being covered. This is what the news agencies are looking for, they buy this footage from fixers who just learned how to use a video camera. A rocket was shot from here, a child got killed from here…..”

Media in a time of crisis

What Did the Arab Spring bring to journaliosts?

http://www.alhayat.com/Opinion/Jamal-Khashoggi/13162847/لماذا-ننهض-بالسعودية-لغير-السعوديين؟

from Jamal Khashoggi

I have been affected by the Arab Spring. Some criticize me for calling it a “historical inevitability,” as if by attacking the Spring we can put an end to it. My problem began after what happened in Egypt in the summer of 2013. I have been losing friends since. I did not call it a coup – I believe the military regained a power it had held for 1,000 years. Maybe they were not friends, as a real friend cannot be lost just because your opinions differ.

Some also claim I misled them because I portrayed myself as a liberal but did not welcome the “popular revolution” that brought down the Muslim Brotherhood. I was unable to convince them that my stand is based on the principles of freedom and democracy, because they are the best solutions for Arab states that have failed due to military rule.

Some said my enthusiasm for the Egyptian revolution of Jan. 2011 was due to me being a latent supporter of the Brotherhood. The numerous articles in which I have criticized the Brotherhood and blamed it for the collapse of democracy did not change their opinion.

An editor-in-chief at a prominent newspaper disapproved that I applauded the Friday sermon by Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi in Tahrir Square a week after the fall of former President Hosni Mubarak. I was astounded by the symbolism of the moment, and considered it a sign of the rise of freedom of expression in Egypt. However, the editor-in-chief only saw the Brotherhood in this picture.

He wrote an article entitled “The deceivers,” in which he said I had fooled him and others because they knew me as a liberal. He, who was supposed to be a friend, was unable to understand that liberalism is for everyone, and if applied selectively will no longer be liberal. The holder of a free pen defends principles and refuses to be restricted.

I wrote articles in which I urged stable Arab countries to help their neighbors, and called for an Arab Marshall Plan. “You want a Marshall Plan to support the Muslim Brotherhood,” replied a colleague in an article in the same newspaper, who is proud to support non-transparent rule and describes his position as courageous and noble.

In the Arab world, everyone thinks journalists cannot be independent, but I represent myself. What would I be worth if I succumbed to pressure to change my opinions?

Jamal Khashoggi

A few weeks ago, my friend Nawaf Obeid admonished me, saying: “You need to write an article in which you confirm that you are not a supporter of the Brotherhood.” I replied: “Whatever I say, I’ll never convince those who suffer from Brotherhood-phobia. They say I support this party because I criticize their favorite regime. Do that and you too will be accused of being a Brotherhood supporter.”

Journalistic independence

In the Arab world, everyone thinks journalists cannot be independent, but I represent myself, which is the right thing to do. What would I be worth if I succumbed to pressure to change my opinions? The atmosphere of freedom must be preserved, and I am happy that my government is doing so. A public meeting I had with a group of youths in Riyadh to discuss the volatile regional environment was recorded and broadcast online without any curtailment.

That was the best cure for the articles that were attacking me and the friends who were abandoning me. I talked to the youths for more than two hours, and answered their questions freely. I felt then that the world cannot bring down someone who is free on the inside. I want to be free, to think freely and write freely. I am free to do so.

This article was first published in al-Hayat on Dec. 26, 2015.

_________________

Jamal Khashoggi is a Saudi journalist, columnist, author, and general manager of the upcoming Al Arab News Channel. He previously served as a media aide to Prince Turki al Faisal while he was Saudi Arabia’s ambassador to the United States. Khashoggi has written for various daily and weekly Arab newspapers, including Asharq al-Awsat, al-Majalla and al-Hayat, and was editor-in-chief of the Saudi-based al-Watan. He was a foreign correspondent in Afghanistan, Algeria, Kuwait, Sudan, and other Middle Eastern countries. He is also a political commentator for Saudi-based and international news channels. Twitter: @JKhashoggi

Last Update: Wednesday, 30 December 2015 KSA 08:08 – GMT 05:08

What have journalists learned since 2006?

Here is something I wrote in 2006 with Heshem Melhem

The Mohammed Cartoons Controversy

(Written in 2006)
By Stephen Franklin and Hesham Melhem

Out of the global arc of violence and death stirred by a Danish newspaper’s cartoons about the prophet Muhammad, came some glimmers of hope.

Against a stream of anti-Western fury, a small handful of the Arab world’s news media chose logic over delusion and hatred.

In turn, the U.S. publications that do the heavy lifting for Arab and Muslim world coverage, struggled to understand the story and finally got it right, albeit a slower than hoped.

They presented a world of passions and diverse players far more complex than most stereotypes, offering up a different reality than the one that first flashed around the world.

This is no small matter considering how the U.S. and Arab news media have covered such crises, and the divide between the Arab world and the West that widens daily with every little flare-up.

For the U.S. news media, the improved reporting clearly is a mark of the lessons learned since the 9/11 tragedies. Prior to the terrorists’ attacks on U.S. soil, the potent forces boiling in the Arab and Muslim worlds mostly got a brief once over, if any notice at all. So, too, the world of 1.2-billion Muslims seemed as flat as a desert’s horizon.

But the attacks and ensuing crises in Europe and Iraq and across the Muslim world led to a greater commitment to cover places and issues that had gone unexplored before. The situation also created a cadre of editors and reporters savvy enough to separate the anti-Western rant of a Muslim hard-liner from that of a moderate Muslim struggling amid tremendous social pressures.

In the case of the Arab news media, the growth of Pan-Arab satellite television stations has opened Arabs’ eyes to the world around them. And as the stations have proliferated, competition has improved the product. There’s debate. There are voices never heard before. It is not what it could be. But there’s change, which didn’t exist not so long ago.

This has had a spillover effect on the print media, which still largely talks to the Arab world elite in a self-censored voice meant not to ruffle rulers’ sensitivities. Thanks to the explosion of the Internet and television in the Arab world, newspapers have had to compete, and become relevant.

And so, the incident in Denmark was a perfect test of how far the U.S. and Arab world news media had come.

Last fall (September 2005) the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten ran a series of cartoons showing the prophet Muhammad in various situations. One showed a bomb in his turban.

To the small Danish newspaper, the cartoons were part of a story about self-censorship and nothing more. Not so, said a group of Danish Muslims who refused to let the incident pass and doggedly pursued a protest campaign that would eventually touch most parts of the Muslim world.

Passed like a torch, the issue ignited waves of death and destruction from Asia to Africa, morphed into other Muslim- world furies, and became proof to some that the most serious problem of our time is the clash of the Muslim and non- Muslim worlds.

But except for a rare article last fall, the U.S. news media barely paid attention to what was stirring in Denmark.

At the time, Loren Jenkins, senior foreign editor for National Public Radio, remembers thinking Denmark seemed a strange venue for such a controversy, and that it was probably “one, more little manifestation” of the unease rippling through the Arab and Muslim world.

Many editors in the U.S. apparently felt likewise.

Indeed, it wasn’t an easy story for the U.S. news media. Events leapt from country to country and continent-to- continent, occurred in places typically closed to Western journalists, and swept up Muslims, who did not rush to the streets to speak out.

Ultimately, however, the U.S. news media figured out what was happening, piecing together the story part by part. It was not just a sudden outburst of rage. There were other forces at work. As a front-page article in Washington Post on Feb. 16 described it, the situation had become a “quintessentially 21st-century battle, a conflict stepped in decades, even centuries of grievances, reshaped by the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001 and their aftermath.”

The well-thought out 3,897-world article written by Anthony Shadid and Kevin Sullivan with support from others, explained the roles played by a range of characters from hard-line activists to Muslim world political leaders eager to stoke angers to moderates snarled in the enveloping din. In comparison, only a few Arab journalists framed the issue in the way that many of their counterparts in Europe and the U.S. did: as one of freedom of expression and a rejection of imposed taboos. Few dared to point out that there are far more reasons for justified outrage against real ‘Western’ infractions such as the fate of those kept in limbo at the Guantanamo prison.

Fewer still reminded their readers and viewers, not to mention their rulers, that in the main Arabs are responsible for the horrific daily harvest of death in places like Darfur and Iraq, and that these real tragedies, more than 12 cartoons in a newspaper they have never heard of, in a small European country, deserve their attention and compassion.
The bulk of the Arab media’s coverage of the controversy underscored the fact that many Arab journalists and commentators see their role as the defenders of what is sacred in their world.

This is especially true at a time when they feel vulnerable to an assertive West led by a White House that they consider omniscient and omnipresent and bent on determining their future in places like Iraq and Palestine.

The fact that Arabs like others, engage in cultural and political double standards, was lost in the coverage. There was not much anger or a sense of loss in the Arab World or the Muslim World when the two great statues of the Buddha in Afghanistan were destroyed by the Taliban, and very little outrage over anti Jewish cartoons in some Arab newspapers and negative portrayal of Jews on some Arab television stations, not to mention attacks on Christian churches and worshipers in Egypt and Iraq, or attacks on Christians and Shia’s in Pakistan.

The same Arab governments that criticized the Danish government for its refusal to intervene or punish Jyllands- Posten in the name of free expression are very quick to claim the same when their media at times engages in anti- Jewish bashing.

It is true that Arab coverage of the controversy swung like a rickety pendulum, but there was at least another other side for Arabs to consider.

And so, there was thoughtful commentary, which mostly appeared in print in Asharq Alawsat and Al Hayat, the two large Saudi-owned Pan-Arab newspapers. And, on the other hand, there were shrill denunciations, which bordered on incitement. One was an incendiary call for a ‘day of rage’ from Sheikh Youssef al-Qaradawi. The powerful Muslim preacher known for his fiery oratory has his own program on al-Jazeera, the Qatar-based television station.

Most of the coverage of the controversy in Arab media was based on combined dispatches from various Western wire services with little original reporting, since most Arab media outlets have no correspondents in Northern Europe. This was also true for the coverage of the demonstrations Asia and Africa.

The mostly negative role of Muslim Danish leaders, who mobilized Arab leaders and audiences against the Danish newspaper and government during their visits to the region was covered uncritically in the Arab world. Still, there were a few exceptions such as AlArabiya.net, which pointed out the discrepancies in the Muslim Danish leaders’ statements to Western and Arab media.

For most Arab readers and viewers, the controversy was framed by a small group of commentators, pundits and Islamists, with varying degrees of sophistication and seriousness, as well as an assortment of ‘professional anti- Western’ pamphleteers.
Many commentators echoed their governments’ anger and outrage, and saw in the cartoons a new cultural ‘crusade’ in tandem with the actual military crusade in Iraq. A headline in The Peninsula in Qatar shrieked ‘Europe joins Crusade’. The ‘crusade’ charge was a favorite on some of al-Jazeera’s talk shows where the Danish cartoons were seen as an integral part of a wider, sinister Western attack against Arabs and Muslims.

A chorus of government and media personalities belted out the ready to use canards about a ‘Clash of civilizations’ or ‘biased’ European media or a ‘conspiracy against Islam’. Often these concepts or buzzwords were used interchangeably. A Syrian writer living in Sweden wrote in the Assafir newspaper in Lebanon that Denmark is not only waging war against the Iraqi people, but its laws promulgate that the blood of an Iraqi is worth only few hundred dollars.

Islamist and Arab nationalist commentators, who rarely agree on anything other than finding U.S. or Zionist conspiracies behind every problem in the Arab World, had a field day. Fahmi Huweidi an Egyptian Islamist commentator in Asharq Al-Awsat wrote a column titled, ‘The lessons from the European campaign against the prophet of Islam.’

Denmark, he wrote, is the one is responsible for the burning of its embassies. He played down the apology of the Danish newspaper, criticized the timid official Arab and Muslim response, encouraged the use of the ‘weapon’ of economic boycott and asserted that the ‘confrontation’ showed that the Muslims have many cards to win any such battle.

He went as far as saying that since the crisis has deepened the rift between Muslims and Europeans, some are seeing “cunning Zionist and American fingers in this scene…to lessen hostility towards the Americans and to pre-occupy Muslims with their ‘battle’ against Europe, so that they would not focus on American practices in Iraq.”

Not to be outdone, Buthaina Shaaban a Syrian government official and a regular commentator in Asharq Al-Awsat accused the West of waging a ‘new Holocaust’ against Islam. She saw in the Danish cartoons another manifestation of a continuing real crusade in the West against Islam that began after the September 2001 attacks which is ” becoming with each passing day a new holocaust committed by new European Nazi forces in the 21st century”.

European Muslims are treated today, she wrote, the way Jews were in the 1930’s, and Muslims in America and Europe are facing a ‘racist campaign’ to adopt Christian names in order to dilute their identity.

In response, rational and compassionate Islamists counseled wisdom and understanding, pleading with Muslim public opinion in Europe and beyond to appreciate and accept the centrality of freedom of expression in Europe. Tariq Ramadan an Islamist who lives in Europe was such a voice.

Writing in Asharq Al-Awsat, Ramadan cautioned Muslims against emotional outbursts, and explained that while there are no limits on freedom of expression, there are nonetheless ‘civil limits’ or ‘civil responsibilities’. He reminded the Europeans that the social structures in the continent have changed because of the patterns of immigration and therefore Europeans should be more sensitive towards the Muslims in their midst.

And he agreed with European criticism of Arab double standards when it comes to depictions of anti-Jewish images, while at the same time saying that hypocrisy in the Arab world should not be used as an excuse to insult Muslims in the West.

While major Arab publications and satellite stations did not publish the cartoons, a number of small publications in Jordan, Yemen and Algeria did dare to publish some of the cartoons. The editors of three Yemeni publications, two Algerian weeklies, and two Jordanian weeklies were arrested and charged with criminal counts of blasphemy and inciting violence.

Indeed, amid the cacophony of incendiary voices, there were commentators who tempered their dismay over the cartoons with thoughtful critiques of the violent reactions in some Arab and Muslim capitals, and who focused on the political hypocrisy and expediency of regimes such Iran and Syria. Some commentators accused the regimes in Egypt, Syria and Libya of encouraging the ‘mobs’ in the streets to refurbish their Islamic credentials.

A number of columnists in Asharq Alawsat produced scathing articles, as did one Kuwaiti writer, about ‘the forces of extremism and lunacy’ in the Arab world trying to achieve their “parochial hateful agendas”.

Saleh Al-Qallab, a Jordanian columnist for Asharq Alawsat, said Arabs and Muslims had lost the last round and helped distort the image of Islam, because the violence which had a sectarian tinge in Lebanon and Iraq worked to the benefit of peddlers of a ‘clash of civilization’ with the West theory as preached by Osama Bin Laden and his deputy, Ayman al Zawahiri.

Similarly, some Arab journalists on television talk shows spoke positively about the responsible way the American media dealt with the issue, as compared with the European media.

The Arab-Muslim reaction exposed the extent of alienation, weakness and vulnerability that many Muslims see at the core of their relations with the West. And the pent up anger went far beyond the offensive cartoons.

For many the controversy became one of raw power struggle; who has the right to frame such issues? Who controls the means to transform those large swaths of the Arab-Muslim world that are watching with fright the caravan of the modern world leaving them behind?

The U.S. news media did better this time because it had learned to listen more carefully to what the Muslim world is saying.

The Los Angeles Times, for example, had published a number of stories last year about Muslims in Europe. “So when this (the cartoon controversy) came up, it was part of our awareness,” says Marjorie Miller, foreign editor for the L.A. Times.

In fact, the cartoon controversy came up in a Nov. 12 story by Jeffrey Fleishman from Copenhagen. But it was only one of several points in a story describing tensions about Muslim migration “ratting” Denmark’s “aura of serenity.”

Most of the U.S. news media that provide the on-the-ground coverage of the Arab world have also upped their presence in the region. Five years ago the New York Times had one Arab world correspondent, as Ethan Bronner, the Times’ deputy foreign editor explains. Today, it has one in Cairo, another in Dubai and four in Baghdad.

But newspapers’ dedication to reporting the ongoing travail in Iraq comes at a cost to coverage elsewhere in the Arab world, says Miller of the L.A.Times. Though the L.A. Times has four correspondents in the region, only one covers the rest of the Arab world, she says.

To gain a better handle on the Middle East, the U.S. news media has clearly begun to lean more heavily on Arabic speakers and reporters familiar with the culture. For its chronology of the cartoon controversy, the Washington Post relied on Shadid. One of few Arab-American reporters covering the Middle East, he won a Pulitzer Prize in 2004 for his reporting in Iraq before and after the invasion.

When the Post decided it needed an explainer, Shadid wasn’t on assignment, recalls Andy Mosher, a deputy foreign editor for the Middle East. But Shadid volunteered to report as well as help pull the story together. It was a story, as Mosher says, that played to Shadid’s strengths.

The Post’s decision to put together a broad scenario was partially triggered by a February 9th New York Times story written by Hassan M. Fattah with reporting from Times correspondents and stringers. Like a Feb. 7th Wall Street Journal story by Andrew Higgins, it looked at that the connections Danish Muslims had made with Muslim world leaders which had catapulted their campaign. Fattah is an Iraqi born journalist raised in the U.S. who briefly edited an English language newspaper in Iraq after Saddam Hussein’s fall.

But knowing the language isn’t always the key to good coverage, and several U.S. reporters weighed in with pieces that brought more depth to the story. They wrote about Muslim moderates dismay over the violence and they pointed to the questionable role of the Syrian government in the riots over the cartoons in Lebanon and Syria.

Michael Slackman, a former Middle East correspondent for the L.A. Times, who is based in Cairo for the New York Times, parlayed his experience and intuition in a Feb. 12 article to explain the forces beneath the rage over the controversy as well to the tragic sinking of an Egyptian ferry.

Rather than a clash between civilizations, Slackman suggested that some of the passion behind the controversy may have come from Arabs’ need to “blow off steam” from living in dysfunctional societies, and from Arab governments’ need to embrace such an issue in order to dampen the rising strength of Islamic groups.

For years the U.S. coverage of the Arab and Muslims worlds rarely poked below the surface. Arabs were strange, incomprehensible bad guys, says Rhonda Zaharna, a professor of public communications at American University in Washington, D.C. The impact of returning mujahadeen or holy fighters who fought in Afghanistan went untold.

But that’s then.

The U.S. news media has shown it do can a better job in covering the politics and nuances of the Arab and Muslim worlds, though it has a way to go. Emerging from years of repression and self-censorship, the Arab news media is first finding it voice.

Yet that’s not good enough and we can’t wait decades for them to do better. The price for Arab world and U.S. journalists not doing the reporting that needs to be done is too unbearable to consider. We have only our dead from all of the tragedies that we have suffered lately to remind us of this.

-30-

Hisham Melhem is the Washington-bureau chief for the Al-Arabiya satellite station. Stephen Franklin is a former Chicago Tribune reporter with a long history of reporting in the Middle East. This article was written in early 2006.

You cannot stop an idea غير ممكن للإيقاف فكرة

Before the Egyptian uprising, it would have been impossible to speak as freely as does this editorial. But before the uprising, there was this kind of alleged torture.

steve

Editorial: Can you jail an idea?
By   Rania Al Malky November 3, 2011, 7:39 pm
CAIRO: Before I embark on this editorial, I’d like to express my profound gratitude to Egypt’s venerable Military Prosecutor for giving the “No to Military Trials” campaign its biggest public boost yet earlier this week.It’s hard to think of any other activist more capable of galvanizing masses of pro-democracy advocates both inside and outside Egypt, than Alaa Abdel Fattah, who was detained for 15 days pending investigations because, as a civilian, he refused to be interrogated by a military prosecutor, drawing attention to an injustice faced by some 12,000 Egyptians since the army took power.

The trumped-up charges he faces were another reason why Abdel Fattah rejected the military prosecutor: he is being questioned in relation to the bloody Oct. 9 Maspero massacre, and may face charges of “inciting violence” against the military, ironically during clashes where 27 peaceful protesters were either shot by “unknown civilians” or crushed to death by armored personnel carriers.

Abdel Fattah also categorically rejected the lopsided notion of having the military prosecution investigate a criminal case in which the military is party to the crimes committed. It’s not rocket science: the military prosecutor is not a neutral party in this case and hence cannot be the only body allowed to probe it.

The very idea of painting Abdel Fattah as some kind of public enemy is absurd, not only because of his genetic pedigree as a member of one of the most respected activist families in Egypt (his father is Ahmed Seif Al Islam, the founder of the Hisham Mubarak Law Center which provides legal aid to victims of human rights abuses; his mother is Leila Soueif, a university professor and one of the founders of the March 9 movement which advocates academic freedom and university independence) but also because of his own contribution to the reawakening of Egyptian youth through his online activity, virtual discussion forums and street activism.

Clearly the target of this investigation is not to seek the truth about the identity of the ubiquitous “unknown civilians” intent on driving a wedge between the people and the army, but to perpetuate the smear campaign against the youth who spearheaded Egypt’s non-violent uprising, a campaign that began months ago when one of SCAF’s communiqués singled out the April 6 Youth Movement, accusing it of pursuing a foreign agenda and accepting foreign funding. It’s no surprise that, according to lawyers, a member of April 6 too will be summoned in relation to the Maspero violence.

Speaking of the “unknown civilians” with “invisible hands”, it’s both shocking and telling how press reviews, radio and TV coverage of the National Council on Human Rights’ Maspero fact-finding committee report completely buried the lead.

While the coverage mainly focused on the fact that it was not the military police but provocateurs on motorcycles who infiltrated the protest and shot and killed seven protesters, there was rarely any mention of the most crucial finding confirming that 12 of the victims were crushed to death by APCs which randomly drove through the crowd that fateful day.

While the “unknown civilians” may never be pinned down, the independent investigation has established, presumably beyond a doubt considering that we all saw the footage, that the APCs definitely killed 12 people. The question is how far will the so-called “neutral” military prosecutor bear this “detail” in mind? Can the military accuse itself of killing peaceful protesters, or will we be faced with tall stories of how knife-wielding protesters attacked the army forces and how some of the “unknown civilians” took over the APCs and killed the protesters just to frame the army?

The point is, unless the investigation is conducted by a truly impartial, independent, civilian body with nothing at stake but to reveal the truth, as the NCHR report recommended in another “detail” that most press and media coverage ignored, the truth of what happened on Oct. 9 will be buried with the 27 innocent lives who were killed that day.

Like thousands of others, Alaa Abdel Fattah too is innocent of the charges he may soon be facing before an illegitimate military tribunal. But while he could have easily acquiesced, accepted the situation, answered the questions and simply walked out to spend the Eid holidays with his family and his first child, whose birth he will probably miss, simply for speaking truth to power, Abdel Fattah chose to take the road less taken. The fact that others, like Bahaa Saber, who did exactly what he did were released without so much as a reprimand, while Abdel Fattah’s appeal was turned down on Thursday, reinforces suspicions that there is more to what the military prosecution intends for Abdel Fattah than meets the eye.

Tragically, we have come full circle, as Abdel Fattah concludes in an opinion piece he wrote behind bars published Wednesday by Al Shorouk newspaper, titled “A Return to Mubarak’s Prisons”: “I did not expect that the very same experience would be repeated five years on, after a revolution in which we ousted the tyrant, I go back to jail?…I spent the first two days only listening to stories of torture at the hands of police that is not only adamant on resisting reform, but is seeking revenge for being defeated by the downtrodden, the guilty and the innocent.”

But there is a silver lining.

If there’s one thing we’ve learnt from the January 25 uprising, it’s that ideas cannot be jailed or intimidated, that the quest for justice is so deeply rooted within the human psyche that no matter how long it takes, how arduous the struggle, or how grand the sacrifice, come what may, the free spirit will ultimately prevail, even in the face of APCs and military courts.

Rania Al Malky is the Chief Editor of Daily News Egypt.

الجمهور العربي يريد قصة مختلفة؟

Much of what we journalists do does not belong to one country or one culture. It belongs to the global profession of journalism. We follow standards. We observe rules. We speak, write, observe. And we are guided by what makes our profession a global calling.

But there are differences sometimes in how we tell our stories and what our audiences expect from us. What works in the West doesn’t always work in the Arab world and here’s a column from sharq alawsat that raises this point. I agree and disagree. What do you think?

http://www.asharq-e.com/news.asp?section=2&id=26089

The light from Cairo for Arab journalists ضوء من القاهرة للصحفيين العرب

As Egyptians tried to shake loose nearly thirty years of darkness, the Egyptian press stumbled toward the sunlight, too. The early results portend vast journalistic shifts, and maybe not just in Egypt.

Egypt’s media have long been dominated by the state, as is true in much of the Arab world today. Egyptian journalists at the state-run outlets have traditionally been blind to the most pressing news while casting former president Hosni Mubarak as the people’s Pharaoh. Journalists who dared to touch taboo issues faced prison or heavy fines. News outlets that offended the regime were simply shut down. Independent bloggers were harassed and hounded by government-paid thugs.

It came as no surprise that when Al Jazeera, the fifteen-year-old Qatar-based outlet, defied threats and continued saturation reporting of the January 25th uprising, its Egyptian satellite signal was cut, its license pulled, and some of its journalists arrested. But Al Jazeera and its more conservative competitor, Dubai-based Al Arabiya, persevered. Along with a group of fearless bloggers and social media users, they cemented their place as the alternative to the state-run media’s lies.

In so doing, they underscored the necessity of honest, fearless reporting as a prerequisite for democratic change. The strongest message from Tahrir Square to journalists from Riyadh to Rabat is that stories that speak the truth carry the most power.

As the Mubarak regime’s shackles began to slip, Egyptian media reports began to change dramatically as journalists discovered their voices and consciences. Al Masry al Youm (Egypt Today), one of the country’s fledgling independent newspapers and a frequent regime critic, reported accounts of government thugs staging lootings. It challenged state media for spreading a “culture of fear” and conspiracy theories about Israeli-trained protestors. Journalists at Al Ahram, the government’s main mouthpiece, and at Rose al Youssef, another state-run paper, held demonstrations at their offices decrying corruption in journalism and lack of professionalism.

Some high-profile state television journalists took leaves of absence in protest of orders from on high to continue broadcasting propaganda. Shahira Amin, a prominent presenter, resigned. She told Al Jazeera’s English language service that she couldn’t “feed the public a pack of lies.”

While the upheaval’s fate was still unclear, Mohammed Ali Ibrahim, editor of Al Gomhouriya, a major state-run newspaper, addressed the protestors in a front-page column, saying, “We apologize for not hearing you, and if we heard you, for not paying attention to your demands.”

His apology was noted in Al Ahram’s English-language weekly, which also called out the state-run news media’s “reliance on exaggeration or outright lies” and refusal to tell the protestors’ stories. (Al Ahram didn’t mention its own record.)

This newfound honesty was only able to flourish after a path had been cleared both by journalists and social media users who risked their lives openly defying the government. Despite beatings and arrests, many journalists and bloggers persisted, bolstering morale by churning out ground-level accounts of critical events.

Twitter and the like became electronic megaphones, delivering both practical news (what streets were safe, where medics were needed) as well as charting participants’ emotions as they raced between elation, despair and, ultimately, absolute joy. Unlike failed protest drives by more established groups, youth-driven Facebook pages assembled thousands of supporters online and united disparate sectors of the eighty-million-person nation.

Just as the Tunisian upheaval inspired Egypt’s protestors, Arab journalists cannot ignore what happened in Egypt, the most populous Arab country. Although much of the region’s news media live under the thumb of the government, political parties, religious groups, or others who think they own the truth, Egypt has shown that it does not always have to be thus.

Online news operations have sprouted, angering and frustrating authorities in places like Kuwait and Jordan. Young Arab journalists are showing new daring in their reporting, and are coordinating across the region.

Arab journalists face great challenges even beyond government bullying: low pay, low respect, and editors too timid to make changes. As Egypt’s upheaval was evolving, Hisham Kassem, Al Masry al Youm’s first editor, likened the state-run media’s performance to a “crash-landing.” Speaking from Cairo, he said honest news coverage was gathering steam, but was not yet surging because editors didn’t know what lay ahead.

But the morning after Mubarak resigned, Al Ahram editors saw the future and rose to embrace it. They greeted readers with a stunning, bright red headline flared across its front page: THE PEOPLE OVERTHROW THE REGIME.

http://www.cjr.org/reports/sunrise_on_the_nile.php?page=all&print=true

Before the revolution قبل الثورة

After the policemen had sodomized the bus driver with a broomstick, and after one of the officers had sent a cell-phone video of the attack to other bus drivers in downtown Cairo to make clear that the cops could do as they pleased, and after someone had given the video to Wael Abbas, who posted it on his blog, something unusual happened — at least, something unusual for Egypt.

The video went viral on the Internet. Two officers were charged, convicted, and ultimately given three-year prison terms.

It was an extraordinary moment, this sudden burst of justice back in 2006. Few have dared to point their fingers at police wrongdoing in Egypt. And it’s even rarer that the culprits have been punished.

The tumult that has rocked Egypt this winter was clearly sparked by the Tunisian revolution. But the Egyptian uprising didn’t begin on Jan. 25. It was rooted in the waves of workers’ strikes and protests; the explosion of the Internet as a rallying megaphone for dissent about government abuse, corruption, and a vampire economy where a few flourish while many struggle; and a growing willingness by reporters, writers, and human-rights groups to tell the truth in the face of great risks.

The roots could be seen by anyone who has paid attention to the upheavals that have marked Egyptian society these last few years. But they were dismissed up until now as inconsequential and insufficient.

continue here:

http://www.prospect.org/cs/articles?article=before_the_revolution

Changement de siècle en Tunisie. Révolte spontanée et révolution sociale contre la dictature de Ben Ali, les tenants et l’aboutissement

Just as the post above says, this is a great change in Tunisia and maybe the first  ever that passed through the hands of the Internet.

Follow the blog below:

http://nawaat.org/portail/

How new media works so well in Egypt

Here’s a testament to the desire to use new media tools and the ability to adjust to new technology in Egypt. It’s from a blog on crowdsourcing:

The author-expert writes:



A fifth map on the Egyptian elections is the Abu Balash map, a voluntary Initiative of a group of Egyptian bloggers.

Now, I have to say: of course, this sound a bit ridiculous, 5 interactive maps to monitor the same event. I started laughing when I heard about it the first time. But lets’ be honest: THIS IS A GREAT THING!!!

In a country like Egypt, where election monitoring is not exactly the most common action taken, and where lots of activists and young people use Facebook, Twitter and Internet in general, the fact that there are many platforms is an awesome achievment!! Egyptians will not have one, but 5 different means to report, and in this way the government is not only going to deal with the U-Shahid project but they have to deal with 5 platforms that will challenge their propaganda and their media control.

Get the full explanation here:

http://crisismapper.wordpress.com/2010/11/20/ushahidi-egypt-when-open-data-is-not-so-open-or-when-people-just-don%e2%80%99t-get-it/

Who is the boss? الذي هو رئيسه؟

Here’s a brave column by Salama A Salama from al Ahram weekly about the freedom of the press in Egypt. It concludes:

“Abroad, there are laws and a history of democracy and human rights that keeps those with power — political and financial — in check. Here, we don’t have that.

What happened to Eissa was meant as a lesson for all newspapers and independent media. It was meant to show them who’s boss.”

http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2010/1019/op3.htm


Shifting sands in the air

You turn on the tv in Cairo and what do you see? It’s different isnt’ it. Different than five years ago. Different than 2 years ago. But is it enough.

Here is a very good report on the state of Arab television. Read it all. What do you think?

“Despite the disappointing pace, there is much change afoot in Middle East media. There have been impressive gains in the range of views presented on newscasts and talk shows and a wider margin for dissenting opinions. Regional conflicts are well-covered, and journalists report on sensitive political and social issues in many countries. Freedom House, while still categorizing most MENA countries as “not free” for media, acknowledges that most countries have logged steady progress toward freedom—just not enough to warrant a “free” ranking. “There has been an improvement in scores,” said Karin Deutsch Karlekar, senior researcher and managing editor of the organization’s Freedom of the Press. “It’s just that they still end within the ‘not free’ category. It’s because they are starting out from such a low base.”

http://cima.ned.org/reports/shifting-sands-the-impact-of-satellite-tv-on-media-in-the-arab-world.html


حماية الأطفالSaving the child brides

The Yemen Times is a gift. It is brave, imaginative and speaks up for those journalists in the Arab world who believe in using the power of their words.  But this is more than an example of brave and compelling journalism.

It is a lesson in using good writing reporting and writing to focus on an issue that has public momentum.

If you know of similar stories in the Arab world on this topic, please let me know.

Stephen

Here is just one story that translates their efforts.

Runaway child bride

Fikra Mahmoud
For the Yemen TimesPublished:29-03-2010

TAIZ, March, 27 — For five months, Hind has been physically abused, sexually assaulted, and has several times tried to run away from a forced early marriage. Only now has she found shelter. According to the woman she is staying with, she is pregnant.

After she tried to escaped, her uncle, who had arranged her marriage, tied her by the neck with an iron chain to his house, because she had refused to stay with her husband.

Hind looks about 13 or 14 years old. Her body and the fact that there are only 24 teeth in her mouth are further evidence that she is less than 14 years old.

http://www.yementimes.com/defaultdet.aspx?SUB_ID=33788

more on Child Brides, from Arab News

http://archive.arabnews.com/?page=1&section=0&article=131456&d=19&m=1&y=2010

Here is a story from the National on the controversy in Yemen

http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20100324/FOREIGN/703239830/1002/NEWS

And another:

http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/middle-east/100316/child-brides-yemen

Gaza, al Jazeera and the future of news in the Arab world and what matters?

The pictures. The sounds. The rhythm of news and the ratatatt of people speaking from all over the Arab world; some analysis, much more emotion, more much speechifying.

The sense of bringing you there and of them being there, of a reporter standing up in the darkness or daylight in front of a live and dangerous background, of their breathless delivering of breaking news, of staring at masses in city after cityshouting, marching and getting caught up in the wave, and then the slow stumble into what it means though it all remains a fog as bleery as any other in days to come. But all within hours of the start of the news.

If there was any doubt about the power of Arab satellite television, the crisis in Gaza is the end, and yet another warning for newspapers across the Arab world. A warning they cannot ignore. They cannot capture the news as immediately as before. But what they can do is to use their websites to tell the news immediately, and then their pages to tell stories in detail and offer explanations and to capture in photographs the moments of humanity that can only be preserved in the well considered photo.

The newspapers that used their news pages to capture the history of the moment, al Hayat among them, rose to the occasion. With all of its sources, al Jazeera captured the moment and captured the masses who then became the news that the newspapers wrote about the next day.

Cairo-

The disconnect between coverage of Gaza in the West and Arab world-a very good overview

http://www.arabmediasociety.com/?article=698

On coverage — from the Guardian

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/dec/31/israelandthepalestinians-middleeast1

on coverage – from al Ghad – in Arabic

http://www.alghad.jo/?article=11632–in Arabic

from al Jazeera, on the Western media’s coverage of Gaza

http://english.aljazeera.net/focus/war_on_gaza/2009/01/20091585448204690.html

on al Jazeera in Arabic – an article I wrote for CJR online

http://www.cjr.org/campaign_desk/the_rage_will_be_televised.php

http://www.latimes.com/news/education/la-fg-arab-media8-2009jan08,0,1236090.story

http://www.cjr.org/campaign_desk/what_the_red_cross_sees_the_me.php

http://www.cjr.org/campaign_desk/war_of_the_words.php

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/jan/07/gaza-america-media

http://tyndallreport.com/comment/20/3556

http://andrewsullivan.theatlantic.com/the_daily_dish/2008/12/israel-gaza-rea.html

see the blogs from gaza listed on the left

al jazeera in English on Gaza

http://labs.aljazeera.net/warongaza/

on al jazeera in English from the New York Times

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/12/business/media/12jazeera.html?th&emc=th

praise for an al Jazeera in English correspondent in Gaza, from Haaretz

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1054282.html

On the problems facing the foreign press in covering Gaza, from the Guardian

http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2009/jan/14/media-frustrated-over-gaza

on al Arabiya’s coverage 

http://www.elaph.com/Web/NewsPapers/2009/1/400395.htm


 

 

This is worth reading هذا هو تستحق القراءة

أنت مواطن صحفي

on citizen journalism – a guide

http://sharek.aljazeera.net/

On reporting by the Yemen Times – a brave level of reporting

http://community-en.menassat.com/forum/topics/arab-media-to-lead-or-to

a column by Mona Eltahawy on Gaza

http://www.dailystaregypt.com/article.aspx?ArticleID=18767

on Iraqi refugees

http://pulitzercenter.org/showproject.cfm?id=75

A fascinating video on bloggers in Iran

http://www.rottengods.com/2009/01/iranian-bloggers-new-nation-on-web.html

On bloggers and freedom of speech in Egypt by the New York Times correspondent

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/18/world/middleeast/18egypt.html?_r=2

On freedom of the press and satellite television from the Committee to Protect Journalists

http://cpj.org/2009/02/satellite-tv-middle-east.php

From a blogger arrested and released in Egypt;

http://tabulagaza.wordpress.com/

Here’s a very detailed look at the Arab blogosphere. Do you agree with it?

http://cyber.law.harvard.edu/sites/cyber.law.harvard.edu/files/Mapping_the_Arabic_Blogosphere_0.pdf

ولهذا فان الجميع بحاجة الى صحافه حرة

Rights groups demand investigation into alleged assault against journalists

By Compiled by Daily New Egypt
First Published: June 27, 2008

CAIRO: Three human rights organizations demanded an official police investigation into the alleged assault of Kamal Murad, a journalist at the opposition newspaper Al-Fajr.

The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI), the Arab Council for the Support of a Fair Trial and the Hisham Mubarak Law Center submitted a petition to the deputy minister of interior affairs on June 21, calling for an inquest into Murad’s alleged torture by police officers, according to a press release by ANHRI.

Three police officers in Beheira physically and verbally abused Murad, said the statement, and confiscated his notes and mobile phone memory card.

He was then arrested on charges of attacking police officers and inciting peasants against the security forces, said the ANHRI.

The incident reportedly follows Murad’s exposure of an influence-peddling case involving a local trader and his two sons who are police officers.

In his investigation, Murad has interviewed peasants in Ezbat Moharram in Beheira and shot pictures of police officers beating peasants in order to force them to sign lease contracts with a landlord, the rights group said.

The officers were allegedly doing this as a favor to their fellow policeman whose father happens to be the landlord.

 

الحرية التي اختفت Freedom Disappeared

 

http://www.cpj.org/attacks07/mideast

 

from the Committee to Protect Journalism on the Arab news media 2007

In terms of the media, governments have built new strategies to contain the assertive journalists who have emerged over the last decade in countries such as Algeria, Jordan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen. Job dismissals, behind-the-scenes threats, third-party defamation suits, and trumped-up terrorism charges like those brought against al-Khaiwani have replaced the torture, enforced disappearances, and open-ended incarcerations that were the hallmarks of the previous era. Image conscious governments have also become masters of spin, championing cosmetic media reforms designed mainly for public consumption.

 


بعيدا عن الأنظار، نوع جديد من القمع
بقلم: جويل كمبانيا

في وقت العصر من أحد أيام الاربعاء في حزيران/يونيو الماضي، قام عملاء تابعون لأجهزة الأمن اليمنية بمداهمة منزل المحرر الصحفي الجريء عبد الكريم الخيواني، ثم جروه لمحاكمة أمام محكمة أمن الدولة في العاصمة صنعاء. استجوبت النيابة العامة الخيواني، ثم وجهت له تهمة الانتماء لخلية إرهابية سرية—وهي تهمة يمكن أن يعاقب عليها القانون بالإعدام. وقد سبب هذا الاعتقال صدمة بين الصحفيين اليمنيين، وتساءل بعضهم صراحة ما إذا كان زميلهم المعروف بمقالاته المهيّجة التي يهاجم فيها الحكومة اليمنية وحربها ضد المتمردين في مدينة صعدة الواقعة في الشمال الغربي من البلاد، متورطا بأمر شنيع. وقد أصدرت لجنة حماية الصحفيين حينها تصريحات متحفظة أعربت فيها عن انشغالها، لأنها لم تكن متأكدة من أن هذه التهمة لا أساس لها من الصحة

See the report in Arabic, click link.

http://cpj.org/attacks07/mideast_arb/ar_mideast_analysis_07.html

Satellite TV, from Arab Media and Society

By Daoud Kuttab

photo by Kim Badawi. http://www.digitalrailroad.net/kimbadawi

<!–

 

–>

March, 2008.  There is no doubt that the proliferation of Arabic language satellite stations is causing a lot of waves in the Arab world. Seen innocently, the need for some type of regulatory process makes sense. But the Arab League members with the exception of Lebanon and Qatar were not innocently trying to ban pornography or violent programming from Arabs’ television screens.  Nor is their most recent resolution trying to curtail the content of Arab satellite stations an attempt to create an Arab version of the American FCC.  It is no short of an attempt to control the minds and thoughts of Arab viewers, mostly on political issues.

The Arab League is a voluntary organization of Arab countries that has some moral authority but no binding power. Until recently, the only regular meeting that occurred like a Swiss watch was the meeting of Arab interior ministers. The leaders of Arab intelligence and security forces met regularly to plan and coordinate actions that protected their own regimes as well as the interests of their international allies, most prominently the United States.
 

On freedom for Arab world satellite TV

(CIHRS/IFEX) – The following is an 18 February 2008 CIHRS press release:

Ailing Arab League Undermines Freedom of Expression

CIHRS strongly condemns the document entitled “Principles regulating Radio
and Satellite TV Transmission and Receiving in the Arab Region”, adopted by
the Council of Arab Information Ministers. CIHRS confirms that the
document, disguised by media professional ethics rhetoric, is primarily
aimed at providing a fake national and ethical cover to limit the freedom
margin exercised by the media outlets in some of the Arab countries. This
margin of freedom existed either because of the influence of the global
communications and information revolution or internal and external
pressures for democracy.

Ironically, it is the same Arab League that failed to realize one
achievement for the major Arab issues in Palestine, Iraq, Maghreb Sahara,
the occupied Emirates Islands, Lebanon, Southern Sudan and Darfur, that is
being used as a platform for this “unified Arab” attack on freedom of
expression.

It is indicative that the said document was developed following an
initiative by the Egyptian government as media freedom in Egypt is
seriously deteriorating. This is best manifested by the jail sentences
awaiting five editors-in-chief of partisan and independent newspapers all
at once. In addition, there are hundreds of cases pending at the courts
against journalists as well as defamation campaigns against the press and
satellite channels where government media professionals participate,
claiming that the media is committing violations of code of ethics and
jeopardizes Egypt’s reputation. This is meant to refer to the exposure of
police violations of citizens’ rights and torture incidents. It is
similarly indicative that Saudi Arabia joins such an initiative with its
hegemony over media outlets, not only within the Kingdom, but also
throughout the Arab region.

كلنا صحافيون —-We are all journalists

Those of us who care about truth, who care about the freedom to tell the truth, we are all journalists. It doesn’t matter if you are by yourself or you are with many. If you are commited to this, you can only do your best.

This belongs belong to you and all those who care and work for freedom of expression in the Arab world. Please make it your resource. And because I am no longer in the Arab world, I cannot see and feel and write about what you know everyday. And so, I welcome you to share  your thoughts here about journalism in the Arab world. I will post your words and hopefully we can continue to share.

shukran, steve

There are only free journalists ليست هناك سوى صحفيين الاحرار

For a reminder about what freedom means to the press, read the record of this conference in Beirut in December 2006: http://www.wan-press.org/tueni_award/articles.php?id=663#2

What the press and journalists have suffered in Lebanon is the history of the country and its citizens — it cannot be treated separately, said Mr Hamadé. “Talking about freedom for the press is talking about the rights of citizens at all levels,” he said.

 

Tyranny, injustice, occupation, dictators, restrictions, lawsuits, murders, maiming, newspaper offices invaded, civil war — the Lebanese press has seen it all. Fifty years ago, in 1958, the killing of Nassib Matni, owner of At Talagraph, sparked one civil conflict. In the 1960s, agents of Lebanese intelligence targeted and killed journalists. During the civil wars, which lasted more than 17 years, many journalists had to leave Lebanon, while others were murdered.”Today, when we talk about (assassinated journalists) Gebran Tueni and Samir Kassir, we cannot forget this history,” said Mr Hamadé. “Gebran Tueni knew the war that our newspaper was going through. He was challenging the state, government, intelligence, for the freedom of his country.”Mr Hamadé had this to say about the Lebanese press:1. The battle of the press is not a battle of one professional sector isolated from the main battles of the country — the problems of the country are causing the problems in the media profession.2. The difficulties facing the Lebanese press take on many forms. For example, economic difficulties, as when advertising was prohibited in the 1970s.3. Death threats — both those that are carried out and those that are not, but still have an impact on reporting. “We still have many in the Lebanese press who don’t fear anything,” said Mr Hamadé. “They remember the values of the press — transparency, the search for truth, autonomy.”4. There are no free newspapers, only free journalists. Newspapers are free because of the values carried by their journalists.5. Despite all the attacks, the Lebanese press “is still strong against the powers that want it to go backwards.”Alia Talib, Media Specialist, IraqBeing a journalist in Iraq is dangerous. Being a woman journalist is even worse.If a woman fails to wear a veil, she might be killed. If she is kidnapped, and released, she risks being killed by her own family for bringing dishonour to them, said Ms Talib.Women journalists are paid less than men and they do not receive maternity leave or any other benefits.For journalists in general — men and women alike — journalism is a deadly profession in Iraq. “I can tell you that a journalist who works is the main media is a target,” said Ms Talib.Local journalists are sent into this environment with insufficient training to assess the dangers, said Ms Talib.”In general, there is no immunity, no protection for women or men. They do not receive protection. In Iraq, there is no compensation if you are injured.”Journalists, in short, are “disposable.”The solution? “Financially independent newspapers where journalists will work without favour. But they are weak because they don’t have enough money.”Abdlerahim K. Abdallah, Journalism Unit Director, Media Institute/Birzeit University, PalestineIsrael says it believes in a free press, but the situation changes when it comes to Palestinian media, said Mr Abdallah.He said the situation for Palestinian journalists improved after the Oslo agreements, but deteriorated after the intifada. Palestinian journalists are targeted in three ways:1. Simply for being a journalist. A dozen have been killed in recent years simply for being journalists, and Palestinian radio and TV headquarters have been bombed, he said.2. Israeli authorities frequently refuse to recognise that a Palestinian has the right to be a journalist.3. Palestinian journalists are targeted specifically because they write something that displeases the Israeli authorities.”The greatest problem, however, is no freedom of movement,” said Mr Abdallah. “I live near Nablus, we are surrounded by a wall. The gate opens from 6 am to 8 am and you have to work during those two hours. It is difficult to move from one area to another. The presence of Israeli forces is a major problem because they don’t recognise your press card.”But Israeli occupation isn’t the only problem. “There is another problem — the lack of security and the chaos that violate the right to publish and the right to exercise the profession of journalism,” said Mr Abdallah. “Arrests and detention are among the main dangers — dozens are arrested every day. “Jamal Amer, Editor-in-chief, Al Wasat, Yemen“Arab rulers, regardless of their differences, agree on one thing, and that is the way they regard the Arab press — all of them consider it their sworn enemy,” said Mr Amer.In Yemen, journalists have a lot of freedom to practice their profession, “but there are other means of oppression — there is no legal framework. We have a dozen legal loopholes that are traps for journalists” he said.For example, the press cannot criticise the president or other public figures, and “elastic” laws can lead to prison sentences of up to one year.There are other means of oppression as well — physical aggression, false accusations of being foreign agents or traitors, or of consuming alcohol or drugs, and even kidnappings. And the state is not the only oppressor tribal leaders can send people to attack journalists without fear or prosecution, he said.Mr Amer was abducted from his own home on 23 August 2005 following an article in which his newspaper revealed that relatives of the president received scholarships that were meant for other students.Mr Amer was threatened and forced to “confess” that he was a US agent and was told never to write critically about the government. The threats included the threat of sexually abusing his children, he said.”The hope is very dim for practicing journalism without danger as long as we have laws restricting freedom of the press,” he said. “We must change the laws and promote the press. We must work with international organisations that promote freedom.“We should have conferences that highlight violations of the press and issue recommendations, and we should call on the United Nations to play a role in implementing Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We must consider that attacking journalists is an international cause, regardless of the nationality of the journalist. We should let everyone know what is going on.”



What Egypt’s journalists need.

  from al Ahram,

Media overhaul

By Salama A Salama


The press is in crisis. There is no denying that. A balance between freedom and responsibility is badly needed. But this has to take place as part of a larger effort. Taken hostage by outdated laws and forces of the past, caught in an entangled web of hapless politics, our press is staring into the mirror of despair.Modern media is taking over. Television and the Internet are making inroads into a territory that once belonged exclusively to the print press. The press is fighting for dear life with its hands tied behind its back. It is hounded by powers that wish to keep it in its place, and even push it back to where they think it belongs. The press is being pushed back into the era of mass mobilisation, the time when its main function was to praise the powers that be.

Faced by such threats, journalists are making things worse. They fight among themselves. They fight over imagined material or moral gains. And they don’t seem to see the abyss lying ahead. The future has no place for a press devoid of credibility. The future has no place for journalists who curry favour with rulers. If things keep going this way, journalists will end up being mere clerks, or informers, working for a pittance in impoverished private newspapers. Or they’ll go looking for piecemeal work at Arab press offices and television stations.

If the clash between the nationalist and independent press continues, both will lose. Our newspapers need to turn into financially viable and politically independent institutions. They need to modernise their management, introduce transparent financing, embrace the latest technology and train their reporters. We cannot allow the press to disintegrate into the dark recesses of a professional vacuum. We cannot allow the name-calling and the grovelling — all of which was evident in the Press Syndicate’s elections — to go on. Otherwise, we will end up with worthless newspapers that no one wants to read, and this goes for both the national and independent press.

Mass mobilisation can no longer be the mission of the press. The restricted freedoms of the 1960s and 1970s cannot come back. These are new times. We cannot embrace the market economy and freedom one day and eat our words the next. The nature of our political system is going to change, and so will the press. We cannot waste time on half measures. We need to overhaul the entire media system, laws and all. Let me give you one example. According to current laws, you can set up a newspaper with LE250,000 — less than the price of an apartment. How can you expect a newspaper to pay salaries, insurance and taxes on such meagre assets? How do you expect such a paper to resist corruption?

There are people in the media who still do business the old way. They wait for orders from the information minister, the Policies Committee, or the Interior Ministry, and carry them out. This cannot last for long. Also, the current professional standards of our journalists leave much to be desired. What happened to accurate reporting, to balanced writing, to objective views, to refined language?

This country is thinking about the economy all the time. Perhaps it is time we think a little about the press. We’re no longer competitive. We have fallen behind other media in the region. This can change, but only when we start moving in the right direction.

We need an independent press. And we need a financially viable press.

Why are they protesting.لماذا وهم يحتجون

For an precise view, once again, of what has been happening in the Egyptian press. Read what Salama A. Salama says:

It is hard to understand the current crisis without looking at the professional situation of journalists themselves. For years, the state has tried to tame them. Using a mixture of carrot-and-stick methods, the government bought loyalties and ultimately succeeded in weakening the independence of the press. No wonder journalists were so divided during the recent crisis.

So, too, read Baheya’s long explanation.

Why news makes a difference لماذا تحدث الأخبار فرقًا

When the news media doesn’t see and doesn’t hear, nobody hears. Nothing matters. Nobody cares. Nobody knows.

But when there is news, and when the news media pays attention, the equation comes together. And this may be what is happening today in Egypt.

Baheyya looks at how the news media has begun to cover civil protests in Egypt.

Street action by groups of ordinary people isn’t new, but it’s far less documented and celebrated than similar action by workers, tradesmen, students, and other organised social sectors. Unlike these groups, ordinary people rarely distribute pamphlets or carry placards that survive as records of their action. Its sporadic character and focus on basic needs (food, water, housing) is often taken to mean that ordinary people’s protest is somehow less significant, less political than ‘real’ protest. By contrast, the press is currently portraying ordinary peoples’ protests as portending an impending national revolt and regime breakdown. Notwithstanding their excellent coverage, al-Masry al-Youm’s editors have inexplicably christened the water protests in Kafr al-Shaykh, Gharbiyya, Daqahliyya, and Giza as the “Revolt of the Thirsty,” implying that widespread popular wrath will inevitably translate into political upheaval and ‘chaos’.http://www.baheyya.blogpsot.com

A guide for reporting on workers دليل للكتابة عن العمال

كيف تغطي إضراب: بعض النقاط الأساسية

مرتبات العمال:

ما هو متوسط الأجر الأساسي للعامل والعاملة بالمصنع؟ وما هو الأجر المتغير؟

كيف تغيرت المرتبات منذ إنشاء الشركة (إذا كانت حديثة) أو على مدار العشر سنوات الأخيرة؟ ماذا كان تأثير التضخم؟ كيف تقارن المرتبات هنا بمرتبات الصناعات الأخرى، كيف تقارن المرتبات بالصناعات المملوكة للدولة، وكيف تقارن بالعمال في نفس الصناعة في البلدان الأخرى؟

الإقتصاد

ما هو آخر معدل للبطالة طبقا للاحصائيات الرسمية؟ هل هناك تقديرات أخرى بواسطة إقتصاديين محليين مستقلين أو منظمات عالمية؟

هل توجد بالمصنع لجنة نقابية؟ هل يشعر العمال بالرضى عن أدائها وكيفية تمثيلها لمصالحهم أم لا؟

ما هو مستوى دخل الفرد في الدولة؟ كيف يقارن مستوى دخل الفرد مع مرتبات المضربين؟

ما نسبة العمال المصنفين كفقراء في الدولة؟ هل تغير هذا الرقم مؤخرا؟

ما عدد الإضرابات التي حدثت العام الماضي وفي الأعوام القليلة الماضية؟ ما هو النموذج المتبع؟

ما هي نسبة النساء ومن هم أقل من 40 سنة بين العمال؟ وما هي نسبة مشاركة تلك الفئتين في الإضراب؟

ما هو مستوى الأرباح في الشركة؟ ما هي عوائد الشركة خلال الأعوام القليلة الماضية؟

ما هي أعلى المرتبات لقيادات الشركة؟ ما هي متوسط المرتبات: كيف تقارن هذه المرتبات بمرتبات العمال؟

هل الشركة مملوكة للدولة أم قطاع خاص؟ وإذا كانت الشركة مملوكة لمنظمة أكبر أو مجموعة تجارية عالمية فما هو تاريخ الشركة خارج البلاد؟

حول ظروف العمل والسلامة:

أحيانا تكون هنالك مشاكل في المصانع يجب على المراسلين أن يكتشفوها بأنفسهم. لا يشعر العمال بالراحة في التحدث عن هذه المشاكل ولا الشركة ولا مسؤولين الحكومة سيناقشوها.

هذه بعض الأسئلة والطرق للإخبار عن هذه القضية:

اعرف متوسط عمر المصنع. إذا كانوا يوظفون العمال صغار السن فقط فهل هنالك سبب لذلك؟ ما هو عمر أصغر العمال سنا؟ ما هو القانون الوطني الذي يحكم سن العمال؟ هل يسمح المصنع للعمال دون السن القانوني بالعمل؟

إذا كانوا في الغالب يوظفون النساء، فهل هنالك سبب؟ ماذا يحدث للنساء عند الحمل؟ هل يتم طردهن؟ هل كانت هنالك أي مشاكل تحرش جنسي؟

ما طبيعة العمل داخل المصنع؟ هل لديهم حصة يومية للإنتاج؟ كيف تتغير الحصة؟ ماذا يحدث للعمال إذا لم يستطيعوا انتاج الحصة المعينة؟ هل هنالك شكاوي من الحصة؟ هل لدى المصانع الأخرى نفس الحصة من الإنتاج؟ هل يحصل العمال على إضافات مالية على ساعات العمل الإضافية؟ ماذا يحدث إذا لم يريدوا العمل لساعات إضافية؟

هل وصف العمال وظيفتهم؟ كم يستغرق عملهم من الوقت؟ ماذا تعلموا من عملهم؟ هل حصلوا على مهارات جديدة أم انهم ليسوا متشجعين على التعلم؟

كيف يتعامل المديرين معهم؟ ماذا يحدث إذا مرضوا؟ هل يمكنهم الذهاب إلى الحمام عندما يريدون؟ كم لديهم من الوقت للغداء؟

قارن مرتباتهم. ما الذي حصلوا عليه العام الماضي، منذ عامين، منذ ثلاث أعوام؟ هل يجب عليهم أن يدفعوا جزء كبير من مرتباتهم على الوجبات والتنقلات والسكن بالقرب من مكان المصنع؟ ماذا عن تكاليف العلاج؟ المعاشات؟

من أين يأتوا؟ عل عملوا بمصانع من قبل؟

ما مدى أمان المصنع؟ هل يعترض العمال على الإحساس بالمرض أو الإصابة؟ إذا كانوا كذلك، حاول عمل خريطتك من الشكاوي والأمراض. حاول إيجاد اسماء الناس الذين توفوا أو كانوا شديدي الإعياء أثناء العمل. أجعلهم يصفوا اعيائهم. هل يعاني العمال في المصانع الأخرى أو في نفس المجتمع من نفس المشاكل؟ اتصل بالمسؤولين في الصحة لمعرفة الكيماويات والمعدات المستخدمة في المصنع. هل تم تدريبهم على مثل هذا العمل؟

ماذا يحدث للعمال الذين يشتكون من العمل أو ظروف الصحة والسلامة؟ ماذا يحدث للعمال إذا تحدثوا عن الإشتراك في اتحاد؟ ماذا يحدث عندما تزور مباحث الحكومة المصنع؟

 

A Guide for blogging In Arabic

 

عشر خطوات نحو الصحافة الشعبية على الإنترنت

دليل مختصر للمدونين و الصحفيين الإلكترونيين

بقلم ستيفن فرانكلين – المركز الدولي للصحفيين

ICFJ.org

القاهرة- مصر 2007

1- لماذا الإنترنت ؟ماذا تريد أن تقول؟ما هو نوع هذا الدليل؟

لدينا جميعاً أخبار وقصص لنرويها، و الانترنت يتيح لنا فرصة ان نروي قصصنا للعالم.

فإذا أردت أن تقول شيئا هاما للآخرين ، سوف يساعدك هذا الدليل في ذلك. فهو المخطط الأساسي الذي سيساعدك في بناء الآليات الضرورية لإنشاء مدونة: مثل الكلمات والصور. و بينما الأدلة الأخرى تكون تكنولوجية، فهذا الدليل سوف يشرح لك كيفية جمع المعلومات وكيفية تلاوتها- تلاوتها بدقة. وسوف نقدم بعض النصائح العامة حول كيفية عدم تجاوز أي قوانين. فحتى إذا كنت تقول الحقيقة ، علينا أحيانا ان نعرف كيف نحمي أنفسنا. ستجد المشورة بشأن ذلك هنا أيضا.

“أنا مدون، لا يريد جميع الناس أن يصبحوا صحفيين شعبيين ولكن البعض يريد هذا”

ونحن نريد أن نتشارك بالمعلومات ، الكثير منا يعتقد انه لا يهم إذا كنت شخص واحد أو آلاف الأشخاص, فمعلوماتك هي ما تهم.

الكتابة على الإنترنت مختلفة,فبدابةً,يتعلم المدونون مشاركة معلوماتهم ، و هذا يعني التعلم ممن يردون على ما تكتب أو من الآخرين ممن يكتبون على الإنترنت.

في الكثير من الأماكن ,مثلك من الناس من هم رواد الصحافة الجديدة,فهذا تحدي,وإذا كنت تريد أن تنجح و أن يسمعك الآخرون و يصدقونك فيجب أن تنجح في الحصول على دعمهم.

كيف تحقق هذا؟

2- كيف تبدأ؟

الأمر سهل، هناك الكثير من الأماكن المجانية على الإنترنت,وحتى البرمجيات الحرة متاحة مجاناً.

هنا بعض المواقع التي ستساعدك في البداية و تجيب على أسئلتك و نأمل أن يمنحكم بعض الإلهام. البعض من بوابات الانترنت أكثر أمانا من غيرها. أي أنها تحمي خصوصيتك و هذا هام في حالة التحدث عن أشياء قد تعرضك للمشاكل,ففي بعض الأحيان من الممكن تعقب كل ما تكتبه أو تقوم به,ولهذا فإن حماية خصوصيتك و عملك شيء هام.

بعض المواقع تتيح فرصة الكتابة بلغات أخرى غير الإنجليزية,يمكنك معرفة هذا من المدونيين الآخرين أو استخدام هذه المواقع:

http://blogs.albawaba.com

http://www.wordpress.com (متاح باللغة العربية)

http://www.blogspot.com (متاح باللغة العربية)

http://www.livejournal.com

نصائح تدوينية:

http://www.kcnn.org (Knight Citizen News Network)

http://www.rsf.org/rubrique.php3?id_rubrique=542 (Reporters without Borders(

3. ماذا تقول وكيف تقوله بصدق وفعالية؟

فكر أنك صوت لمجتمعك و اجعل ما هو هام بالنسبة لك هام بالنسبة للآخرين أيضا . اجعل الأخبار التي تريد كتابتها واضحة و اشرح سبب أهميتها.يجب تقديم أكثر ما تستطيع من التفاصيل وان أمكن أضف صور وفيديو لإظهار الحقيقة في تقريرك.

اذا استطعت ، قم بنسخ الوثائق ثم تحميلها لتأكيد دقة ما تقول. و إن أمكن تحميل تسجيلات صوتية رقمية ، قم بذلك. فكلما رأينا و سمعنا نصدق أكثر.

قد يكون لديك وجهة نظر أو رأي ولكن إذا أردت أن يلتفت الناس إليك ، فيجب ان تعطيهم فرصتهم لاتخاذ وجهة نظر خاصة بهم. يمكنك تقديم المعلومات التي ترى أنها هامة ، ثم أشرح وجهة نظرك. فعندما يشعر الناس بمصداقيتك سيعاودون الدخول على موقعك.ثم يمكنك أيضا تقسيم عملك إلى فئات واضحة فتضع بعض الأعمال تحت فئة ما تغطيه و ما تعلمته و الآخر تحت فئة رأيك أو وجهة نظرك.

تعلم كيفية استخدام الكاميرا بشكل جيد حيث تلقط صور تعبر عن الحدث.ونفس الشيء اذا استطعت تسجيل الأصوات على المسجل الرقمي أو على كاميرات الهواتف المحمولة أيضاً لدعم قصتك.

إذا استخدمت كلمات لتصوير مشهد او وصف الأشخاص الذين تتحدث عنهم ستجعلها أكثر تشويقا وتقرب الناس أكثر من الأحداث التي شاهدتها.

أما بالنسبة للكتابة ، أعتمد على الكلمات القوية لجذب انتباه الناس ، ولكن لا تبالغ في الوقائع. فإذا كنت تورد قصة، استخدام الدراما والتشويق. وأخبر القراء في البداية بالضبط ما أردتهم أن يعرفوه . فإذا كانوا غير مهتمين بالأمر يمكنهم الذهاب إلى مكان آخر في ثوان. استخدام القوائم والعناوين الفرعية لإبقائهم مهتمين، واستخدام الوصلات التي تؤدي إلي أماكن بها المزيد من المعلومات.

وهناك العديد من أساليب الكتابة التي يمكنكم استخدامها : يمكنكم استخدام أسلوب سؤال وجواب ، حيث تعرضون كلاً من السؤال والجواب. ثم يمكنك نقل الأخبار بنفس الطريقة المستخدمة في الصفحة الأولى من الصحيفة. يمكنك الكتابة بصيغة المتكلم المستخدمة في كتابة اليوميات ، أو أن تبدأ بنفس الطريقة التي يبدأ بها المؤلف الكتاب ؛ بجمل قوية و جذابة.أيضا يمكنك البداية بمشهد أو قصة شخصية ثم تنتقل إلى القصة الأكبر.

على سبيل المثال ، أنظر إلى بعض الطرق التي استخدمتها الشابة التي تدون من العراق في رواية قصتها عن “احتراق بغداد”.

.( http://riverbendblog.blogspot.com/)

كن مبدعاً:

هل يمكنك كتابة قصيدة أو رسم كاريكاتير؟هذه الأشياء مثلها مثل الصور,هي طريقة جيدة لتلاوة القصة وأحيانا تكون أفضل او اسلم السبل لتقديم وجهة نظر بديلة. ابني قصتك كالبناء؟,مستخدماً مجموعة متنوعة من العناصر : قصص أسئلة,أجوبة والصور والفيديو والتسجيلات الصوتية.فكلما استخدمت أشكال مختلفة من وسائل الإعلام لتلاوة قصة,أو معلومة أو رأي ستكون أقوى.

4- كيف تجعل الناس يستمعون إليك؟

هناك وسائل تقنية لجذب المتصفحين إلى موقعك,أنظر للمواقع السابق ذكرها.ولكن يمكنكم أيضا صنع موقع جاذب للناس . إليك بعض النصائح التي يمكنك أخذها في الاعتبار:

انشر تدويناتك بانتظام,فهذا يولد الاهتمام بمدونتك.دعنا نقول أن عدة مرات كل أسبوع مثال جيد.

أطلب من زملائك من صحافيين الإنترنت أن يضعوا وصلة لمدونتك على موقعهم

أستخدم الوسومات التي ستوصل المتصفحين الى مدونتك أو موقعك

أضف مدونتك الي مجمع مثل (www.technorati.com, http://www.itoot.net) باللغة العربية)

حيث تسجل مدونتك ضمن قائمة المدونات

وضح انك تكتب في العديد من المواضيع و ليس دائماً نفس الموضوع

أضف اكبر قدر من المعلومات ممكناً لدعم ما تقوله و لإقناع القارئ انك مصدر موثوق فيه

عندما يشعر الآخرين انك تقدم الصورة كاملةً سيعتمدون عليك كمصدر للمعلومات,كن صريحاً و عادلاً و قدم وجهة نظر الآخرين,ووضح ان هناك عدم اتفاق في ما تكتبه و في النهاية ضع خاتمة معتمداً على ما تعتقد انه حقيقي.فهذا يؤكد للقراء انك تريدهم ان يصنعوا قرارهم بأنفسهم و أنك تبحث في كل المواضيع,لا تقل أو تظن أكثر مما تعرفه و اعترف بأن لديك هذا القدر فقط من المعلومات.أستعين بالآخرين عندما يكون هناك معلومات لا تستطيع الحصول عليها.

في المقابلات,ابحث عن معلومات في خلفية الموضوع ، لتكن مستعداً و لا تستغرق الوقت كله في صنع تصريحات و قرارات و اطرح الأسئلة التي ستقدم تفاصيل و تحليل و استعملها كحجارة البناء و لكن اجعل عقلك متفتحاً و مرناَ لتغيير البناء الذي تبنيه.

لا تسيء لنفسك بين زملائك بنشر معلومات غير دقيقة. لا تقل أشياء يمكن أن يكون لها تأثير قوى على الآخرين إلا وأنت على ثقة من ان هذه المعلومات صحيحة. انتظر و فكر فيما كتبت قبل أن ترسله.

أسئلة: هل عملك كامل وعادل ومفهوم و مشوق؟ ماذا تفعل للانتقال بالموضوع الى مستوى آخر؟

5. قبل أن تبدأ,فكر في سلامتك … كيف تحمي نفسك و الآخرين؟

في بعض الأماكن ، يجب ان نفكر في سلامتك. الجميع لا يواجه خطر ، ولكن يواجه البعض الخطر منا. وهذا يحدث حتى عندما نبذل قصارى جهدنا لنكتب بأمانة وإنصاف.

إذا كان لديك سبب يجعلك تعتقد ان عملك على الانترنت يتم رصده من جانب السلطات ، فهناك طرق لاستخدام الانترنت في الخفاء، ان ذلك ليس بالأمر السهل ، ولكنه ممكن مع بعض الجهد.

وهنا بعض المصادر عن كيفية القيام بذلك :

http://www.eff.org/Privacy/Anonymity/blog-anonymously.php

http://www.globalvoicesonline.org/?p=125)

http://anoniblog.pbwiki.com/ArabicAnonymousBloggingGuide

اذا كنت لا تريد ان تدون في الخفاء(باسم مجهول),فعليك التفكير ملياً في العواقب. بعض صحفيين الإنترنت يريدون ان يعرفوا أنفسهم ويروا أنهم بذلك يجعلون جهودهم أكثر مصداقية. ولهذا السبب فأعمالهم قد تشتمل على صور تظهر من هم.

وهناك طرق أخرى لحماية خصوصيتك. فإذا كنت تستخدم كومبيوتر في مكان عام مثل مقهى انترنت ، فانك قد تفكر في كلمة السر التي لا يمكن اكتشافها بسهولة. ومثل كلمات السر هذه قد تحتوي على حروف وأرقام او رموز. لا تستخدم نفس كلمة السر في أكثر من خادوم انترنت ولا تخبر الآخرين عن كلمة السر الخاصة بك.

وعندما تنتهي من استخدام الكومبيوتر في مقهى انترنت ، تأكد انك قمت بتسجيل الخروج.وقم بحذف المواقع التي تصفحتها والملفات المؤقتة من على الجهاز. حاول استخدام البرمجيات التي توفر حماية اكبر لسلامتكم.ولحماية الكومبيوتر الخاص بكم,حاول استخدام برمجيات تحمي الكومبيوتر من الهجوم من مصادر خارجية.

مجموعات كثيرة تقدم نصائح بخصوص الأمن,واحد منها هو:

http://netsecurity.about.com/cs/generalsecurity/a/aa112103b.htm

و أيضاً:

http://netsecurity.about.com/cs/generalsecurity/a/aa112103b.htm

http://www.thebitmill.com/articles/password_tips.html

ماذا تفعل إذا عرضك عملك على الإنترنت للخطر:

اذا كنت تنتمي الى مجموعة من صحفيي الإنترنت أو المدونين ، فتأكد ان تكون على اتصال يومي ومنتظم معهم. اذا كان لدى أحد منكم مشكلة، فسيتم إبلاغ الآخرين. ينبغي ان يعرفوا اذا تم اعتقالك أو تهديدك. وينبغي أيضا أن يعرفوا من يجب الاتصال به لمعرفة ما اذا كنت آمن ، ومن في وسعه مساعدتك. لا تتجاهل التهديدات.بل ضعها في اعتبارك واخبر الآخرين عنها. ولا ينبغي تجاهل محاولات الهجوم عليك. أنت أيضا مسئول عن سلامة زملائك على الانترنت. فلا تعرضهم لمخاطر غير ضرورية.وهذا يعني انه يمكن تجنب الاجتماعات أو المحادثات الهاتفية مع سائر المدونين من أجل حمايتهم.

أبقى على معرفة بالوضع السياسي ، وكيف يمكنه أن يؤثر عليك وعلى عملك على الانترنت.

اذا كنت لا تملك شبكة، حاول ان تنشئ واحدة على الإنترنت.و من الممكن ان تبدأ مجموعات مع المحامين و مجموعات الحقوق القانونية والدينية وجماعات حقوق الإنسان والجماعات المحلية ، والأكاديميين وغيرهم ممن على دراية بالعمل الذي تقوم به في بلدك.اذا كان لا يمكنك ان تجد هذه الجماعات في بلدك، ابحث عنها في منطقة أوسع.

غالبا ما يعتمد الصحفيون على ما يقرؤون على الانترنت وبذلك يمكنك استخدامهم كشبكة أمان عندما يكون لديك مشاكل.و أيضاً جماعات حقوق الإنسان الدولية والمنظمات التي تدافع عن الصحفيين ، او تلك التي تساعد الدارسين فهي مصادر جيدة للدعم اذا كان لديك مشكلة. فمن المهم ان يكون لديك شبكة معارف وعلاقات. ويمكن ان تكون في مدينتك أو على الانترنت. قد لا تحميك من الاعتقال ولكنها تثير الانتباه لك مما يمكن ان يساعد في استعادة حريتك أو حمايتك من التجاوزات ضدك.

هنا بعض المواقع(…)

سنتحدث لاحقاً عن معرفة حقوقك كصحفي إنترنت و ما يمكن فعله لتجنب مشاكل قانونية غير ضرورية.

6. إدارة ما يقوله الآخرين على مدونتك أو موقعك:

يكمن سحر الانترنت في انه يتيح المحادثة بينك وبيني وبقية العالم بأسره.و حين تسأل القراء عن آراءهم والمعلومات التي لديهم ، فأنت تقول لهم انك تريد الاستماع إلى ما لديهم ليقولونه.

ولكن عليك أن تحرص على حجب الآراء الضارة او الآراء المتحيزة التي من شأنها الإساءة إلى الآخرين. فعليك أن تفكر كيف سيكون شعورك ، اذا وجهت كلمات مؤذية إليك. اذا كنت حذر واتبعت التكنولوجيا التي تسمح لك بحجب التعليقات، فسيكون بإمكانك أن تخلق مجتمعاً يتحدث الناس لك و للآخرين بطريقة متحضرة. فيجب أن تكون مسئولا عن تنظيم المناقشة، ولكن أيضا يجب ان لا تمنع الآخرين من إبداء وجهات نظر مختلفة.و كن مهذباً عند الاختلاف,فهذا سيساعد إبقاء المحادثة مهذبة.

سؤال : ما هي حدودك في حرية التعبير؟

7. ما هي حقوقك؟

حقوق الإنسان ليست عالمية ،فكل منا لديه حقوق ولكنها قد تختلف باختلاف المكان الذي نعيش فيه. لا تتجاهل الحقوق والمسؤوليات التي تؤثر عليك لأنها قد تؤثر على قدرتك في استخدام الانترنت. تذكر ان ما تفعله قد يؤثر أيضا على الآخرين. فضع سلامتهم و سمعتهم في ذهنك أثناء استخدام الإنترنت.

لا تتسرع في أن تقول شيئاً ما. تأكد أنه صحيح واستخدام مصادر موثوق فيها لمعلوماتك وكلما أمكن ،اعلم القراء بمصدر معلوماتك.وفي معظم الحالات من الأفضل لك أن تتجنب الإشاعات. تذكر أن حرية التعبير ليست مطلقة.

هنا بعض الأسئلة التي يجب ان تضعها في الاعتبار:

كيف تحصل على معلوماتك؟

هل يسمح القانون في بلدك ان تنقل معلومات لم تتلقاها رسمياً؟

معظم الدول لديها قوانين تسمح لنا الحصول على المعلومات.و لكن عليك معرفة حدود هذا القانون.فبعض الدول أيضا لديها قوانين تفرض قيوداً على الإبلاغ عن أو نشر معلومات معينة. ما هي هذه القيود في بلدك؟

فقد تخالف قانون “التعدي” اذا حصلت على معلومات دون وجود إذن بان تكون هناك.

وأخيرا ، هل يسمح لك بصنع فيديو او ملفات صوت دون إذن؟ معظم ما نجده على الانترنت محمي بقوانين حقوق التأليف والنشر”الملكية الفكرية”.

سيطلب منك الكثير من الناس حمايتهم عند إعطائك وجهة نظرهم أو معلومات لديهم.فهل يمكنك حماية مصادرك؟يجب ان تعلم الحدود القانونية لهذه الحماية.

لكل مجتمع خطوطه الحمراء. بعض القضايا لا يمكنك المساس بها اذا كنت تعتزم مواصلة التحدث على الانترنت. وهذا لا يعني الاستسلام. بل يعني الحرص. فوجود صوت معتدل أفضل من عدم وجود صوت على الإطلاق. وإذا كنت تنوي ان تصبح ناشط فيجب أن تفكر في كيف سيؤثر هذا على عملك على الانترنت و ما هو الثمن الذي ستدفعه؟

يجب أن تفكر في التشهير.

التشهير هو أن تسئ لسمعة شخص ما. هذه طريقة بسيطة جداً لتعريف التشهير. هل التشهير مختلف في بلدك؟ القذف هو عندما تكتب كلمات للهجوم على سمعة شخص ما. يجب ان تبذل قصارى جهدك في تفادي الخطر القانوني عن طريق التأكد من ان ما قلته صحيح. كلما أمكن, عليك أن تنسب الاقتباس أو البيانات لمصدرها.

على سبيل المثال ، دعنا نقول انك كتبت أن أحمد المتحدث باسم الحزب قال علناً أمس ان يوسف عضو البرلمان سرق أموالاً من الحكومة. هذا ليس تشهير لأنك ذكرت المصدر. فأنت لم تقل هذا. وإذا أضفت رد فعل يوسف ، فستبين انك توفر جميع المعلومات التي تعرفها. قد لا توافق على ما يقوله البعض ، ولكن مسؤوليتك ان تكون نزيهاً.أحياناً نخطئ في ما نكتب والمحاكم في بعض البلدان تدين الأخطاء الغير مقصودة في القضايا الخاصة بالتشهير.

اذا كانت لديك أية شكوك حول مصدر ما تكتبه فيجب أن تقول أن هذه المعلومات منقولة أو مزعومة. وهذا يخفض من احتمال الإجراءات القانونية.

دعنا نقول انك تريد التحدث عن بعض المعلومات الحساسة عن الوزير حسن. فعليك ان تبذل قصارى جهدك للتأكد من أن المعلومات دقيقة وأعلن عن مصدر معلوماتك. أيضاً من الممكن محاولة إجراء اتصال أو التحقق من اذا كان قد أعطى رد فعل على هذه الأخبار من قبل.و كلما كثرت مصادر معلوماتك كان ذلك أفضل. تذكر انك تنقل الخبر ولا تصنعه.

في بعض البلاد توجد جريمة استفزاز الحكومة أو تكدير السلم العام، مما يعرف بقانون الشغب.يجب ان تعرف رؤية الحكومة للشغب والأمثلة الأخيرة من الناس الذين اتهموا بإثارة الشغب و الفتنة.

هنا بعض المواقع التي تقدم التوجيهات القانونية العامة ومعلومات عن قوانين الإعلام :

http://www.ijnet.org

www.article19.org/

8. لماذا تحتاج إلى إشراك الآخرين في الأمر؟

كتابة الأخبار من المصادر المفتوحة

توجيه تعليقات وتقارير الآخرين

يمكنك الاعتماد على الآخرين لمساعدتك في أعمالك. ويصح هذا خاصاً عندما تعمل بمفردك. يمكنك القيام بذلك بطريقتين. أن ترسل رسالة تطلب فيها من بعض الأشخاص الإبلاغ عن موقف معين. وهذا يتيح لهم الوقت لجمع المعلومات. وعندما يأتونك بالمعلومات استخدم كلماتهم و عدد المصادر التي ذكروها. و تذكر ان تطلب منهم ذكر مصادر معلوماتهم. ثم عليك ان تحرر و تجمع الكلمات و الصور و التسجيلات الصوتية التي قدموها إليك.

الطريقة الأخرى هي ان تسأل الناس أن يعطوك بعض النصائح او الاقتراحات حول ما يمكن ان يصبح قصة او مدونة. ربما يمكنك الاستعانة بالعديد من الأشخاص أو الخبراء في منطقة ما: فتطلب منهم اطلاعك بانتظام على ما يحدث. وعندما يحدث شيء مهم ، يمكنك ان نطلب منهم ان يخبروك بسرعة. هذا سيجعل عملك دقيق و سريع. كما سيصبح أكثر إحترافية.

إعطاء الآخرين دور في عملك شيء مهم جداً. فهذا يشجعهم وينقل لهم اهتمامك. كما انه يفتح الباب أمام آراء مختلفة,و أصوات مختلفة و طرق مختلفة للكلام. من الجيد السعي وراء خلق محادثات حقيقية مستنيرة.

9. لماذا نحتاج لصوتك؟

عندما نعيش في صمت,نعاني أيضا في صمت, وعندما نعيش بمفردنا,نعاني بمفردنا, ولكن عندما نتكلم نكسر حاجز الصمت ولا نصبح بمفردنا.هذا هو عملك.

أرجو أن تخبرني عن خبرتك, وماذا تريد أن تضيف هنا. أرجو أن تجعل هذا عملك و عملنا جميعاَ على الانترنت.

يمكنك ان تقرأ مدونتي حول الصحافة العربية في

Stevebey.wordpress.com.

يمكنك الاتصال بي على

Istifan66@sbcglobal.net

كما يمكنكم الاتصال بالمركز الدولي للصحفيين على

editor@icfj.org.

ستيفن

أمثلة للمدونين الذين قدموا فرقا

حرق بغداد

http://riverbendblog.blogspot.com/

وائل عباس

http://misrdigital.blogspirit.com/

محمود اليوسف

http://mahmood.tv/

عرباوي

http://arabist.net/arabawy/

طي المتصل

http://zamakan.gharbeia.org/

منال وعلاء

http://www.manalaa.net/

محمد سعيد أحجيوج

http://mshjiouij.com/

كلمات أساسية على الإنترنت في الموضوعات التي قد تثق في معلوماتك عنها :

” سمعت أن ، علمت ، تردد أن ، هناك مزاعم بـ ، هل صحيح .. ، ما يتردد عن ، ذكر موقع ، نقلا عن … “

بعض مصادر الانترنت و التدوين الأساسية

خطوات إنشاء مدونة من بنت مصرية :

http://bmadvice.blogspot.com/

آمن بريدك الإليكتروني

http://gharbeia.net/ar/SecureYourEmail

كيفية التدوين مع الحفاظ على المجهولية من مراسلون بلا حدود

http://www.rsf.org/IMG/pdf/blogs.pdf

اختيار التقنية المناسبة لتفادي الرقابة من مراسلون بلا حدود

http://www.rsf.org/IMG/pdf/censure.pdf

نصائح لمستخدمي الإنترنت ذوي الخبرة المتوسطة

http://www.hrinfo.net/reports/net2004/adv.shtml

لحماية المدونين من عمليات التتبع من واحدة مصرية

http://wa7damasrya.blogspot.com/2007/05/blog-post_11.html

المبادرة العربية لانترنت حر

http://www.openarab.net/

خاتمة

هذا الدليل لم يكن ممكنا من دون مشورة وكرم العديد من المدونيين المصريين والصحفيين على الانترنت و بدون إرشاد ومساعدة الشبكة العربية لمعلومات حقوق الإنسان في القاهرة.

المركز الدولي للصحفيين هو منظمة دولية مستقلة تعمل على تعزيز الصحافة في العالم إيمانا بأن وسائل الإعلام المستقلة و القوية الحاسمة ، عامل أساسي في تحسين أحوال البشر.

عشر خطوات نحو الصحافة الشعبية على الإنترنت

دليل مختصر للمدونين و الصحفيين الإلكترونيين

They give you the real life الحياة الحقيقية

Before a long day of e-mails from all over the Arab world, before an unremitting flood of calls –Yes, okay, five minutes, okay, let’s talk, okay, good, okay –and before scanning piles of newspapers, he opens his computer first thing in the morning and searches the websites of Al Jazeera and the BBC.

Then he goes through four or five of his favorite Egyptian bloggers’ sites. If he has more time, he will read more blogs. Then he will read al Destour and then al Masry al Youm and then al Ahram and maybe a few more Egyptian newspapers. If there is time.

Gamal Eid is busy. The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information in Cairo is one of several human rights groups in the Arab world. But it is the only one that focuses on the freedom of expression and defending that freedom. So, Eid, an attorney, has different interests when he picks up the newspapers, or punches keys on his portable computer.

He wants to know about the law, about human rights, about civil society, about bloggers and anyone else who may become entangled when they speak out. The newspapers may give him some of the news.

“But the blogs give you the real life.”

What can the West Do? نحن لا نطلب الغذاء ، ولكن من اجل الديمقراطيه

Mohammed Benchicou, founder and former publisher of Le Matin of Algeria, last year left prison after a two-year term for what the Arab Press Network calls his “outspokeness and criticism of the Algerian regime.” In a recent interview with APN, he said:

“If I have one appeal to make, it is for the international community to offer support, remain vigilant and pay attention to the Arab world, where many developments are currently taking place. As long as we do not place the democratic question at the heart of exchanges between the West and the Arab world, there will be no solution to key problems like immigration facing us at the moment. The West must realise that the populations of the Southern hemisphere are not asking for food aid, but for democracy. Without a democratic government, it will never be possible to stablise the population in these countries>

For people who cannot get their voices heard

The column is done and he’s pleased. People will notice it when it appears. He is sure. The West has given up on democracy in the Arab world, it says, and so it is time for people to do their own work.

The column will go out now to al Masry al Youm and six other newspapers across the Arab world. When his words are too strong for al Masry al Youm, he says he gives the column to al Destour. He is pleased that he will also be writing regularly for Newsweek magazine in Arabic.

He smiles. He likes, he says, being a “critic of public affairs, and being informative, and touching on unspoken lives.” He knows he is on the “right track,” he says, when he ruffles the authorities.

For exercising his freedom of expression, the elderly sociologist has paid a price.

He was found guilty by a court in 2001 of defaming Egypt, of receiving money from overseas without government approval, and other charges related to the work of the center that he had created, the Ibn Khaldoun Center for Social and Developmental Studies.

He was given seven years. On the third round of hearings, he was set free. He calculates that he served two years. He has had four operations since leaving prison. But he says he still suffers physically. Professor Saad Eddin Ibrahim looks all of his 68 years and more.

His center is open again and as busy, he says, as over. It is a platform, he says, “for people who cannot get their voices heard.”

The door to his office at American University in Cairo swings opens constantly with a stream of students. He nods at their explanations, their eager plans. An author of numerous books, and one-time commentator on Egyptian television, he also once taught at DePauw University in Indiana.

First thing in the morning, he watches the news on CNN and then Sky News and then al Jazeera and then al Arabiya and then he reads al Ahram, and al Masry al Youm and al Destour and al Hayat and maybe some others. He squeezes in magazines in his spare time.

He likes the way al Hayat and al Shark al Awsat have raised the Arab media’s professionalism. He admires the progress made by the Lebanese and Kuwaiti news media.

He has hope for the Arab news media. But it is measured.

“It (the news media) is being changed from the periphery,” he says. “It is being reshaped and being reshaped at the edges.”

 

 

What we read now

We like the investigation by al Ahram on the surprising waters that have appeared in el Obur City.We also like the investigation by al Masry al Youm on the status of copyright protection in Egypt. And we think the article by Mohammed el Sayed Said on the opinion page of al Ahram about what’s happened to Cairo touches deeply. All of these articles appeared on May 21. We, by the way, are Stephen Franklin and Ahmed Tarek aboelsoud.

What is real is real نبدأ مع الواقع

Everywhere, every minute film director Mohammed Khan finds his inspiration. He sees a scene. He hears a word. He remembers a voice, an image, a place. He remembers how Alexandria looks in the winter: it’s European look shines then. Driving home late one night from downtown Cairo, he is stirred by hearing a story of being young and struggling to make a life. His inspiration turns into the soul of his movies. His movies turn into the soul of the Egyptian cinema that is inspired by reality. Movies like Downtown Girls, and Hind and Camellia’s Dreams, Wife of an Important Man, Days of Sadat. He begins his days listening and watching the news, and reading. He reads al Masry al Youm and al Destour and al Fajr and on and on; magazines and newspapers all thrown into the mix of memory and sensitivities. “You in the West, you make unreal situations real. Here we start with reality,” he says. “We always think real.”

And real is the world the news tells us about.

Freedom of Expression حرية التعبير

DOKKI – At the end of a long meeting where the lawyers raged and raged and disputed high sounding points and small seeming ones too and disagreed on what’s the law and more so what’s up to date law and what matters most about the case of Karim Amer, the young blogger now in a prison because of his blogging, where some people rose up later from the audience full of fury to shout and others shouted back at them, a soft-spoken middle aged lawyer stood up to say he that he was a lawyer and blogger and what concerned him most was simply that freedom of expression is the freedom of life and his words suddenly stopped me.

Prisons of the mind سجون العقل

Salama Ahmed Salama throws words like darts. They sting. They are carefully aimed. And they don’t miss. The veteran al Ahram editor and columnist speaks eloquently in the latest issue (May 2007) of Egypt Today about what Egypt’s news media needs to do. Read his words about the prisons of the  mind. So, too, columnists Makram Mohamed Ahmed and Magdy Mehanna tell what drives their work. It’s a stunning presentation of talent and grit. It is a compelling reminder of why a good media can make a difference. Read the article:http://www.egypttoday.com/article.aspx?ArticleID=7371

What’s at stake here?

 

 

Good journalism tells truths. Good journalists ask tough questions and they don’t quit. They stand up for those who can’t and even when they may not agree with them. In the ongoing debate about the role of bloggers in Egypt, there’s a new wrinkle. The question is how well has it been reported.

Who has done the best reporting? And what does it say about bloggers and reporters in Egypt?

Since his arrest on April 15, a number of bloggers in Egypt and around the Arab world have rallied to the defense of Abdel Monem Mahmoud. He is a blogger and journalist whose blog, Ana Ikhwan (I am a brother), (in English and Arabic) has introduced the Muslim Brotherhood in a unique way.

freemonem.cybversion.org/about/

 

The hope and heartbreak of Arab journalism أمل وأسى من الصحافة العربية

Once again Issandr el Amrani tells us what is different and what hasn’t changed too for Arab journalism. I prefer his words of hope. He writes: “It is not only that bloggers are widening the quantity of information available in a region where political gossip is often more trusted than official statements. They are also deepening the quality and breadth of debate with the abandon that only the rush of ego-driven publishing (and anonymity) can provide.”

See his entire article in the Guardian’s Comment is Free site, http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/issandr_el_amrani_/2007/05/heroes_or_martyrs.html

Why we read. Why we write لماذا نقرأ. ماذا نكتب.

We come alive. We laugh. We remember. We dream. We rage. We cry. We smile. We are connected. This is why we read. This is why we write. This is what happens when a newspaper, an online journal, a blog does its work well. It is a daily miracle. It is worthy trying. It is humanity. Honest. Compelling.
The words of one Egyptian blogger capture this. I borrow his words from another who also noticed them. This is from Arabeyes by Amira al Hussaini, which appeared on Globlal Voices Online:

Ala’a Abdulfattah tells us why he really isn’t a blogger. Ala’a has come to this conclusion after returning from Lebanon and finding himself lost about what to blog about.

أرجع من السفر في دماغي حواديت كثيير ، يجي في بالي المدونة، مش يبقى لطيف لو كتبت عن بيروت، دأنا حتى شفت الضاحية الجنوبية و الاعتصام و مخيم شاتيللا و عاصرت اللبنانيين و هما عايشين القلق من العودة للحرب الأهلية.بس مش عارف أجيلها منين، مفيش كتابة عايزة تيجي، أصلي لما بسافر لازم لما أرجع أحكي كل الحواديت لكل الناس اللي بقابلهم و باين كده الحدوتة اللي اتحكت باللسان مينفعش تتحكي بالكيبورد.

“I return from my travelling with a lot of tales in my head. I think of the blog. Wouldn’t it be nice if I wrote about Beirut? I even saw the southern Dhahya, the protest, the Shatila Refugee camp and lived with the Lebanese as they anxiously anticipated the return of another civil war.But I don’t know how to start. There are no words coming to my head. This is because when I travel I have to relate all the stories to all the people I meet. It seems that the story I narrate in person cannot be repeated using the keyboard,” he admits.

كل ماجي أفكر في مدخل للحدوتة ألاقي خبر منيل يشتتني، منعم اتقبض عليه، الباشا الفاضي عبد الفتاح مراد ملفقلي قضية، نواب أخوان بيتقبض عليهم، ضرب نار في سينا، مركز الخدمات النقابية بيتقفل، القضاة معرفش مالهم.بلاش هبل، أنت هتصدق الهيلمان اللي معمول و تحس أنه واجب أنك تدون؟ أنك بتناضل بالكيبورد؟ لا أنت تنفع ولا أنت عايز. و بعدين لو هتكتب في الكلام ده ايه الجديد اللي هتقولله؟ ما الجرائد بتحكي فيه و الأمور واضحة و مفقوسة و مش عرضة أصلا لاختلاف الرأي. طيب منعم ضروري حاجة تتعمل لمنعم ده برضه صديق و كمان يمكن بكره تكون مطرحه و تحتاج اللي يقف معاك، .

“When I start thinking of an introduction for my story, I come across bad news which distracts me. Monem has been arrested. The void Pasha Abdulfattah Murad is framing me for a case. The Muslim Brotherhood MPs have been jailed. There has been a shooting in Sinai. The Union Service Centre will be shut down. I don’t know what’s up with the judges.Stop being a fool. Will you believe all the fuss being made around you and start feeling that it is your duty to blog? Are you rebelling using a keyboard? You are useless and your are not willing. And after all, even if you write about all this, what is the new thing that you will say? Newspapers are writing about all this and the situations are clear, detailed and not even debated. Of course there should be something done for Monem because he is a friend. I may also be in his place tomorrow and will have to stand besides him,” notes Ala’a.